Disturbances taking place in protected areas, especially on indigenous woody species posed by human activities are a cause for concern. Overexploitation of indigenous woody species is becoming an acute ecological tragedy of modern times as there is an increasing trend, fueled by high demand for timber, agriculture, mining and energy (Stuat & Adams, 1990; Tsai et al., 2019). Comiskey et al. (2003) argued that nearly half of the protected forests in the world ranging between 750 and 800 million hectares of the original 1.5 to 1.6 billion hectares that previously decorated the planet were cleared.

In Asia, some protected areas like Malaysia’s Janda Baik face massive pressures of deforestation¹ due to human encroachment, increased demand for forest products, urban development and illegal agricultural practices (World Wide Fund, WWF, 2001). In South America, Brazil’s commercial farmers clear cerrado and engage in illegal wood harvesting in protected forests to generate large profits with an estimated 8.5 million hectares of protected tropical rainforests in Brazil being lost every year (Thomas, 2004). The rate and profitability of deforestation is also influenced by changes in agricultural prices (Dallmeier, 1992). Hence, the protected tropical rainforests of Brazil were estimated to be less by 90% - 95% of their original state in the early 2000s (WWF, 2001).

On the African continent, loss of vegetation in protected areas was estimated to be accounting for around 55% of global forest loss (WWF, 2001). Counsell (2009) projected that according to the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), Africa’s forests covering about 630 million square kilometers declined by an average rate of 0.6% year on year from 1990 to 2005. A study in Kibali National Park, Uganda by Mackenzie et al. (2011) observed that deforestation due to increased need for natural forest resources was prevalent. Tanzania lost over 400,000 hectares of forest between 2000 and 2005 due to high demand for forest products (FAO, 2007). Other African countries with documented high levels of illegal wood harvesting include the Congos, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya and Nigeria (Mugabe & Clark, 1998). In Kenya, for example, Masaai communities engaged in charcoal burning as an economic alternative to their declining pastoral lifestyle as well as the use of woody species like Acacia species (Acacia senegalenses, Acacia tortilis, Acacia mellifera, Acacia xanthophloea, Acacia nilotica, Acacia mellifera and Balanites glabra) for various uses like fencing and construction (International Centre for Research in Agro-forestry, ICRAF, 1992; Herlocker, 1999; Kilinge & Okello, 2005). In southern Africa, forests and woodlands are the primary energy sources in the form of wood fuel or charcoal and a source of commercial timber, with hard-wood species such as Pterocarpus angolensis (kiaat), Afzelia quanzensis (chamfuta), Dalbergia melanoxylon (African blackwood), Combretum imberbe (leadwood), Diospyros mespiliformis (African ebony), Pericopsis elata (African teak) and Khaya anthotheca (red mahogany) being selectively targeted (McCullum, 2000). These important woody species are now mainly confined to protected areas (e.g. Gandiwa, 2011; Lui & Coomes, 2016; Tsai et al., 2019).

Looking back, it was noted that during the pre-colonial and early colonial periods of the 19th century, illegal wood harvesting was minimal in Africa due to low human populations and demand (Mamimine & Mandiregerei, 2001). However, from the 1890s onwards, extensive exploitation of timber from indigenous woodlands began in Zimbabwe to supply developments such as mining and railways infrastructure for the pioneer column during the advent of the colonial period. This exploitation became so extensive that regulation became necessary, leading to the enactment of the Forest Act of 1949 (McGregor, 1991). Despite the unavailability of adequate data, indications are that by 1977 timber demand had already exceeded supply in Zimbabwe, hence fueling over-exploitation of woodlands (Shumba, 2001). The aim of the then Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) Forestry Act of 1949 was to ensure that indigenous forests continued to provide timber for railway sleepers, mining and high-quality flooring for which they were being logged since the turn of the twentieth century (McGregor, 1991; Shumba, 2001). This Forestry Act of 1949 was later superseded by the Zimbabwe Forest Act (Chapter 19.05) as amended in 1999.

Despite the presence of legislative frameworks on forestry in Zimbabwe, FAO (2007) and Forest Commission of Zimbabwe (2012) stated that an average of 327,000 hectares or 1.48% of forest cover per year were lost between 1990 and 2010. Indigenous woody species notably of Acacia, Brachystegia genera and Julbernardia globiflora were reportedly targeted by local communities, threatening woodland conservation efforts and stands out as one of the greatest challenges facing local and national authorities throughout Zimbabwe, as communities depend on woody vegetation as a source of fuel energy (Nduku, 1993; Clarke, 1994; Chenje & Paleczny, 1998; Cunningham & Saigo, 1999; Muboko et al., 2014). Based at the high rates of deforestation, it is projected that a few of Zimbabwe’s protected natural forests will survive to the end of the 21^st century in their current pristine state.

In Chimanimani National Park (CNP), there are concerns over woodland degradation from anthropogenic activities (Gandiwa & Gandiwa, 2012). This study therefore aimed to address the following objectives, i.e. to: 1) identify preferred indigenous woody species, determine the uses and quantities of indigenous woody plants extracted by communities adjacent to the CNP, and 2) assess the local knowledge and perspectives on the effectiveness of forest resource by-laws² and the institutional frameworks in forest resource management.

Different indigenous woody species have different uses depending on the preference of the users. The study highlighted that most respondents preferred to use two or more of the indigenous woody species from CNP, namely; Acacia, Bauhinia, Brachystegia, Combretum, Pericopsis and Terminalia genera. The study findings indicated that woody species extracted from the protected CNP were selected based on genotype. The selective extraction of woody species tends to reduce the abundances of hardwood species leaving the softwood types. Elsewhere in Mukuvisi Woodlands, Harare, Zimbabwe, selective logging through illegal wood harvesting led to degradation of the Miombo woodlands as evidenced by the decline in the preferred woody genera such as the Julbernardia and Brachystegia (Muboko et al., 2014). In the Chipinge District, Zimbabwe, in an area located nearby and to the west of the present study area, the pepper-bark tree (Warburgia salutaris), which is well known for its medicinal properties, was reported near extirpation because of over harvesting (Mashapa et al., 2019). Bivinia jalbertii (Cobweb seed), a species which yields durable wood poles that can last for many years, and is endemic to the Nyoni Hills near Ngundu, Zimbabwe is also under threat (Mashapa, 2018). However, in some cases respondents indicated, for example in Ngorima Ward 5b, that they engage in non-selective use of indigenous woody species.

As commonly reported from sub-Sahara African studies, the extracted indigenous woody plants from CNP were reported principally for household uses, such as firewood, building and fencing, followed by other purposes like for agriculture, carpentry and carving (Kusimi, 2015; Sloan & Sayer, 2015; Tsai et al., 2019). This is consistent with other studies carried out elsewhere, for instance, Mugabe & Clark (1998) observed that the Maasai in Kenya extracted woody vegetation in Amboseli National Park for household needs. Other factors like the rapid population growth in Zimbabwe (ZimStats, 2013) and the related urbanization are exerting pressure on habitats and ecosystems surrounding towns and rural service centres through the provision of infrastructural services such as houses and industrial activities as well as domestic demand for fuel wood (Shumba, 2001; Mashapa et al., 2019). In the present study Terminalia and Combretum species were reported mainly used for fencing and Acacia used for building as evidenced by the huts made of wood poles and dagga, as well as livestock kraals made up of wood poles. This is partly consistent with ICRAF (1992) findings in Maasai of Kenya where the use of Acacia species for construction and fencing was reported.

We recorded varied quantities and frequency of collection of indigenous woody plants with use. This concurs with the findings of Acheampong et al. (2018) on community participation in forest management, the case of Sefwi-Wiawso forest district, Ghana. Firewood was mainly collected monthly and when need arose for other uses. Many respondents in the village in Chikukwa Ward 11 tend to use more woody plants for firewood than any other village in the studied Wards. With such a high level of dependence on fuelwood (Figure 2(b)) and with the increasing human population around CNP (ZimStats, 2013), this will likely create a deficit of this important woody vegetation resource. This observation supports Mutepfa et al. (1998) who stated that thirty one percent of Zimbabwe’s total energy consumption is fuelwood, with eighty percent of the energy demands of communal people in rural areas being met by fuelwood. Thus, preferred woody species are likely being rapidly harvested for firewood in most rural areas of Zimbabwe. However, this may not be surprising as Cunningham & Saigo (1999) observed that in eastern Africa, the demand for firewood is estimated to be ten times the sustainable yield.

It was recorded that forest resource management by-laws were present, and most respondents agreed that by-laws were formulated by various institutions which included EMA, Department of Agriculture, Forestry Commission of Zimbabwe, ZPWMA, RDCs and Traditional leaders. However, most of the respondents reported that the forest resource management by-laws were not effective as expected. It was revealed that contemporary forest resource management by-laws did not consider the existence of indigenous knowledge systems. This concurs with the findings of Mashapa et al. (2019) in Save Valley, southeastern lowveld of Zimbabwe. Locally, indigenous knowledge represents a way of life that has evolved with the local environment, so it is specifically adapted to the requirements of local conditions (Tsai et al., 2019; Acheampong et al., 2018). Key informants argued that there was less coordination between the relevant institutions responsible for forest resources and woodland management across the study area.

We however observed that most household respondents were aware of the existence of institutions that enforce conservation by-laws. Nevertheless, key informants reported the existence of resistance towards the by-laws that govern forest resource use in their areas and CNP. For example, EMA Officers for Chimanimani District were concerned that so many orders were given to perpetrators to desist from illegal activities, but these were largely ignored. In that regard, co-management of the protected woodlands involving CNP and the local people is ideal for forest resource conservation. Local people and their indigenous knowledge systems can be co-opted or integrated with conventional science to promote certain sustainable-customary uses of woody vegetation resources by the communal people living at the periphery of protected areas like the CNP. This may contribute to sustainable development and sound co-management practices, since CNP like most protected areas in southern Africa does not include a component that is strongly linked to communal areas (Murphree, 1993; Murphree, 2005). However, South Africa is a good case study of state protected areas interlinked to community-based natural resource management initiatives with a focus on co-management, benefit sharing, and innovations such as “contractual parks” (Reid & Turner, 2004). Management of contractual parks is carried out in accordance with a joint management agreement devised by a board comprising representatives of both the local community and the national conservation authority (Reid, 2002). For instance, protected areas are known to accumulate dead wood from natural plant-diebacks and due to pest and diseases, and climatic factors like drought and frost. Thus, protected areas like CNP can consider establishing a controlled and transparent system that permits local rural people living at the periphery of the park to collect dead wood from the park.

In this study we aimed to address the following objectives, 1) to identify preferred indigenous woody species, determine the uses and quantities of indigenous woody plants extracted by communities adjacent to the CNP, and 2) assess the local knowledge and perspectives on the effectiveness of forest resource by-laws and the institutional frameworks in forest resource management. Local communities around CNP showed a high preference for selected indigenous woody species, which are illegally harvested from the Afromontane woodlands of CNP, namely; Acacia, Bauhinia, Brachystegia, Combretum, Pericopsis and Terminalia genera. The main purpose of the indigenous woody plants is for domestic uses like, fuelwood, construction, fencing and tobacco curing. Quantities of indigenous woody plants collected varied with the purpose or use and the village. This could be attributed to the location and access to indigenous forests. Responses on the local knowledge and perspectives on the effectiveness of forest resource by-laws and the institutional frameworks in forest resource management indicated that although most respondents expressed awareness of the laws and institutional frameworks governing forest resources, illegal wood harvesting still occurs. This could explain why varied responses were obtained on the effectiveness of the by-laws put in place to regulate and manage forest resources. To strengthen the effectiveness of forest resource by-laws and the institutional frameworks, we recommend several actions including improvements on coordination and law enforcement efforts, and the reformation of forest resource conservation legislative framework to provide incentives for local communities to cooperate in the conservation of woody species found within protected areas and adjacent areas. This can be achieved by adopting the Communal Area Management Programme for Indigenous Resources (CAMPFIRE) concept which has to a larger extent been largely successful in the wildlife sector in Zimbabwe. There is also need for the introduction of alternative sources of energy, especially renewable energy and making affordable building materials such as cement and iron sheets so that people in the low-income category can afford to use more of these building materials instead of woody vegetation resources. This is expected to curb the demand for indigenous woody plants.

We acknowledge the Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority for granting us permission to carry out this study in Chimanimani National Park. We are in-debted to the Parks staff based at Chimanimani National Park for their support in data collection, the Chimanimani Rural District Council and the respective traditional leaders for permitting us to conduct interviews in their communities as well as the participants who made this study possible. We also appreciate the Manicaland Provincial Office of the Environmental Management Agency and its Provincial staff for their support.

The authors declare no conflicts of interest regarding the publication of this paper.

Muboko, N., Zengeni, L., Mashapa, C., Chibememe, G., & Gandiwa, E. (2019). The Social Dynamics of Illegal Wood Harvesting on Indigenous Woody Vegetation: A Case Study of Chimanimani National Park, Eastern Zimbabwe. Open Journal of Forestry, 9, 381-396. https://doi.org/10.4236/ojf.2019.94021