In the present time, we can see that a big portion of world’s population is living in urban sides. Over 90 percent of urbanization is taking place in the developing countries, and is mainly focused amongst young grown-ups (aged 15 - 30 years) in Asia and Africa. The consequence of quick population development happened during the mid-twentieth period [1] [2] . Forecasts for Madagascar, presently one of the least developed countries in the realm, point out that the quantity of people existing in urban centers will be dual in the next forty years (from 17% in 2010 to 38% in 2050) [1] . In attitude, cities offer a more promising location for undertaking social and health hitches than rural sides. Metropolises provide income and jobs, and health care, and deliver education and other services more professionally than less thickly settled areas, just because of their compensations of scale and vicinity [3] . Though, in less advanced countries such as Madagascar, rapid urbanization is progressively intent poverty, placing strain on substructure and already strained public services in municipalities and metropolises [4] - [6] . A key task for the next century is managing the scale and pace of expansion, predominantly in countries which have scarcer possessions and leisurelier rates of financial development [7] [8] . This paper delivers a review of the works on the growth influence of immigration and payments on origin republics and on terminus countries. International immigration has growth implications for origin and destination countries. 215 million people (3 percent of the world’s population) are supposed to live external their countries of birth [9] . While the focus in the literature has been on South-North migration, the number of immigrants among emerging countries is projected to be as large as the number of immigrants stirring from South to North [10] . Therefore, the expansion insinuations of relocation and the need to accomplish in-migration are as relevant to the South as they are to the North. Though vehement battle, partisan harassment, and trading are important reasons for worldwide flexibility, more than 9 out of 10 worldwide migrants move for economic reasons. By and large, relocation has optimistic economic influences on the migrant domestic, the transfer country as well as the getting country.

Migration is the drive of publics from one topographical location to alternative, connecting temporary or permanent settlement. The area where publics are departure is mentioned to as the basis area while the area to which publics are incoming is recognized as destination area. Although rural-urban immigration is the drive of publics from rural areas (villages) to urban centers (cities). One obvious feature in the civilization today is the percentage at which publics migrate from the rural to the urban centers. Though the urban centers are cumulative in populace, the rural areas are declining in populace. The immigration works has come to favor rural-urban migration as “the major contributing factor to the ubiquitous phenomenon of urban surplus labour and as a force which continues to exacerbate already serious urban unemployment problems” [11] . Populace development in urban parts has flown over the last few periods. For example, the United Nations leaflets that 40% of the total minimum advanced country’s populace existed in urban areas in 2000, likened to 26.1% in 1975. More exactly, 34% of the 2000 Sub-Saharan African populace was urban?a jump of more than 62% over the 15 years [12] . As per Cornwell and Inder (2004) much of the modern literature on financial motivations for rural-urban immigration figures on the influential work of Todaro (1969) and Harris and Todaro (1970). Their replicas has providing a extensively acknowledged hypothetical framework that clarified the connection between rural-urban migration and urban joblessness in many LDCs. Supposing possible migrants reply to the urban employment possibility and giving rural-urban migration mainly as an economic spectacle, the Harris-Todaro model (HT) then proves that, in convinced parametric varieties, an growth in urban employ may essentially result in higher planes of urban joblessness and even concentrated nationwide produce (the Todaro Paradox). The irony is due to the expectations that in selecting between labor marketplaces, risk-neutral mediators reflect probable salaries; that the possibility of finding urban employment is approached by the relation of urban jobs to the urban labor force; and that the urban salary rate is significantly and reliably higher than the rural salary rate. Below these expectations, inter-labor market (rural-urban) symmetry commands urban joblessness. This joblessness guarantees that the predictable urban salary is equivalent to the rural salary (which is assumed constant throughout). The consequence of this humble set of expectations is that conflicting to conventional wisdom, once the immigration reply is factored in, several rules aimed at dropping urban joblessness will raise urban joblessness rather than decrease it [13] . In the HT model immigration is observed as the modification instrument by which work forces as sign themselves between dissimilar labor markets, some of which are situated in urban areas and some in rural areas, though trying to exploit their predictable profits. The model controlled to many practical studies most of which long-established that the comparative salaries and the apparent likelihood of outcome a job were certainly important elements of a choice to move. From the theoretic point of view, the model plants its lashing force, the difference of urban and rural salaries and the fixity of urban salary, mysterious. Though, the model, without or with fixed salaries, can be improved in a number of customs to familiarize many stimulating features (priority hiring, risk aversion, travel costs informal sector), which perhaps will decrease the level of joblessness as forecast by the preliminary classic. One of the estimates of HT model was that the comparative symmetry size of the urban outdated sector will differ contrariwise with the rate of job formation. Arellano (1981) [14] designated that this estimate rises to the stable state and is defensible by a specific supposition about the bounciness of the immigration rate. The Harris-Todaro model, called after John R. Harris and Michael Todaro, is an economic model developed in 1970 and castoff in progress economics and prosperity economics to clarify some of the matters regarding rural-urban immigration. The foremost notion of the model is that the immigration choice is established on predictable income differences among urban and rural zones reasonably than just salary differences. This suggests that rural-urban immigration in a framework of high urban joblessness can be frugally rational if predictable urban income surpasses predictable rural income. In the model, symmetry is extended when the predictable salary in urban areas is equivalent to the bordering produce of an unindustrialized worker. The model undertakes that joblessness is non-existent in the rural unindustrialized sector. It is also supposed that rural unindustrialized production and the successive labor market is dreamily modest. As a result, the unindustrialized rural salary is equal to unindustrialized marginal efficiency. In symmetry, the rural to urban immigration rate will be zero since the predictable rural income matches the predictable urban income. Though, in this symmetry there will be optimistic joblessness in the urban sector. The notion of this model is idealistic [15] . One restraint of this model is that it undertakes possible immigrants are risk impartial, as in they are unsympathetic between a certain predictable rural income and an unreliable predictable urban income of the same scale. This notion's reflection of financial realities is doubtful; poor immigrants will probably be possibility opposed and need a meaningfully better predictable urban income to migrate. However, the Harris-Todaro model can be familiar to imitate risk dislike through change of the predictable urban income cunning. In this study is remarkable in numerous features. Mainly, like numerous emerging countries, the difficulties of joblessness and deficiency has initiated to arise in Madagascar due to quick expansion in the last two periods, along with other evils such as a liberal overfilling of housing and social facilities, enlarged crime, contamination, and mobbing. Specified the thoughtful evils, it is necessary for us to know the influences subsidizing to the urbanization and city ward immigration so that agreeing policies may be derivative.

In the present study we analyzed the migration and its effect on the economically and socially situation of Madagascar. Currently the migration rate from other cites to capital city Antananarivo is very high. The Republic of Madagascar is a country located in Eastern Africa, consisting of the world’s fourth largest island and some smaller islands in the Indian Ocean. Madagascar has a coastal plain, high plateau and mountains. Major rivers include the Betsiboka, Onilahy, Mangoky and Tsiribihina. The east coast of Madagascar has lowlands leading to steep bluffs and central highlands. The Tsaratanana Massif in the north has volcanic mountains. The west coast has many protected harbors and broad plains, while the southwest is a plateau and desert region. The largest city and capital is Antananarivo. Other important cities are Antsirabe, Mahajanga and Toamasina. Highest peak is the Maromokotro reaching 2876 meters above sea level (Figure 1).

A case study design was embraced in this research Antananarivo was selected as a case study. The data for this study were mainly collected from the people who migrants from all over the Madagascar to Antananarivo the capital of country for different purpose most of the people migrant from rural. A casual sample method was used to select the defendants. A total of 120 respondents were complicated in the study. Primary data for the study were collected by using organized questionnaires. Secondary data were got from current literature. The collected data were analyzed with the help of SPSS, frequencies of all questions discussed in detail for to check the reason and impacts of migration respondents. Questions almost covered all kind of basic and important information about the migration and its reasons. The questions were very easy and significant for checking the relation of all variable, and the questionnaires consisted of 39 questions, further it was divided into four parts the migration, urban housing condition, integration in the urban labor market and household and modernity. The demographic information of all respondents also included which was gender and marital status.

Madagascar is developing and trying to make improvement in every sector of life. More and more people are getting higher education, and after that, to make life more luxuries and satisfactory, they move to big cities to search good jobs with higher wages. The rate of rural-urban immigration is high in recent years and its possessions are not only touched by the terminus areas alone but also touched by the foundation regions, as services in the terminus regions are overstrained, and the source areas are virtually isolated. Lest the government delivers the basic supplies of life to the rural areas and deliver the creative youth in the rural areas with service chances people will unceasingly point in to the urban centers from the rural areas in search for improved life and occupation. Our questionnaire proves that maximum people are moving to the capital city for the purpose of jobs and if we see the basic facilities are also in urban areas, it’s also one reason of maximum people moving to other cities. If Government tries to provide the same facilities all over the country, people will prefer to live in their present cities. Questionnaire proved that maximum people after migration tried to settle in Antananarivo and didn’t want to go back because in Antananarivo they could enjoy more facilities and more opportunities about other things.

There should be more opportunities in rural areas too, like education, jobs, good medical treatment and basic need of life, so that people can spend their life happily in their respective places instead of moving to big cities, resulting in increased urbanization. The demographic significances of rural involvement initiatives are rarely measured, but it is vital that they should not be smallest as a means of measuring their continuing and wider efficiency. Population development, environmental deprivation and unexpected urban development have been decorated as the foremost influences obstructing supportable worldwide communal and financial development. Though separating the self-governing inspiration of these procedures is not informal, if the crucial tasks of the 21st century narrate to populace pressures, we are essential to grow an improved sympathetic of the association between demography and expansion. This research has significance for growth policy-makers and manipulators. If populace development related with growth is powering recent rises in rural-urban immigration, then extra weight may be used on previously strained rural and urban facilities, though housing, jobs, and facilities are not obtainable to bear this drifting communal.