Sexual violence refers to any sexual act, attempted sexual act, or any other act perpetrated by another person against their sexuality using force, regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any context. This definition encompasses rape, defined as penetration by physical force or any other means of coercion of the vulva or anus, using the penis, other body parts, or an object; attempted rape; non-consensual sexual contact; and other forms of coercion without physical contact [1]. Multiple forms of sexual assault exist, the most serious of which is rape. This is defined as any act of sexual penetration, of any nature whatsoever, committed on another person by violence, coercion or surprise. Rape is punishable by imprisonment for a term of 5 to 10 years. This sentence is increased by so-called aggravating circumstances [2]. Sub-Saharan Africa has the highest number of victims (79 million girls and women affected, representing 22% of the female population). This is followed by East and Southeast Asia (75 million, or 8%), Central and South Asia (73 million, or 9%), Europe and North America (68 million, or 14%), Latin America and the Caribbean (45 million, or 18%), North Africa and West Asia (29 million, or 15%), and finally Oceania (6 million, or 34%) [3].

Indeed, survivors often carry the trauma of sexual violence into adulthood and are more vulnerable to sexually transmitted infections, drug use, social isolation, and mental health problems such as anxiety and depression. They also have difficulty forming healthy relationships. Data shows that the consequences are even more severe when victims delay speaking about their experiences, sometimes for extended periods, or remain completely silent about the violence [3].

In Guinea, sexual assaults account for nearly 30% of consultations at the forensic medicine department [4]. The social and legal explosion of problems posed by perpetrators of sexual assault over the past twenty years is illustrated by the relative proportion of convicted prisoners. For sexual offenses, increased from 6% to 21% between 1980 and 2006 [5]. In the Guinean context, although this is an important step in the judicial process, the perpetrators of sexual assaults rarely receive medical and social support, including psychiatric evaluation to determine the existence of any disorder [4]. The increasing frequency of sexual assault cases seen in victimology consultations at the forensic medicine unit of the Labé Regional Hospital, and the scarcity of previous studies focusing on the perpetrators of these assaults, justified this study. The objective of this study was to describe the socio-demographic, medico-legal and judicial characteristics of inmates accused or convicted of sexual assault who were incarcerated at the Labé Civil Prison during the study period.

Among the 287 inmates incarcerated during the study period, 52 (18.1%) were detained because they had been accused or convicted of a sexual assault offence.

This study included both inmates awaiting trial and inmates already convicted of sexual assault offences. Therefore, the findings describe the characteristics of persons detained for alleged or confirmed sexual assault offences rather than individuals definitively established as perpetrators in every case. Among the 287 inmates included in this study, 52 (18.1%) were incarcerated because they had been accused or convicted of a sexual assault offence. This proportion reflects the distribution of offences within this prison during the study period and should not be interpreted as the occurrence or prevalence of sexual assault in the general population or in Guineafvf. In Guinea, the true number of rape cases is undoubtedly high, but victims rarely file police reports against the accused. According to data from two Canadian surveys conducted in 2018 and 2019, only 5% to 6% of sexual assaults were reported to the police by the Canadian population aged 15 and over. This makes it one of the least reported crimes when compared to robbery and assault, which were reported in 47% and 36% of cases, respectively [6]. Several factors may explain, at least in part, why sexual assault is one of the least reported crimes. Sexual assaults rarely result in physical injuries and are seldom committed with a weapon, yet these two factors are the most likely predictors of reporting a crime to the police [6]. Victims also cite several reasons for reporting, such as the perception that the incident is not serious enough, that it is a private matter, or a reluctance to be bothered by communicating with the police and the legal process. Many also express fears that the accused will not be held accountable, fears of not being believed, and a feeling of being responsible for what happened to them [4]. These barriers to disclosure have also been documented in the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces conducted by Statistics Canada [7]. In Guinea, Diallo et al. (2021) recorded 101 cases of individuals implicated and detained for sexual assault against minors over a six-month period. It is important to note that far from representing a resurgence, these figures reflect an increase in the number of reported cases of sexual assault, made possible by growing media coverage and numerous awareness campaigns conducted by various stakeholders [4]. According to Baccino (2014), this trend does not favor a resurgence of sexual assaults but rather the exposure of a phenomenon already very present in our society.

In this study, we observed that 61.54% of inmates accused were between 16 and 26 years old, compared to 38.46% for those aged 27 - 47 and over. However, we did not find a statistically significant association between age group and incarceration for an alleged or confirmed sexual assault offence compared with other inmates (p = 0.099). Therefore, age should not be interpreted as a determinant of sexual offending in the general population. Our observations contradict those of the Public Safety Canada (PSC, 2024), which reported in 2022 that the majority of sexual offenders were adults (71%), while youth aged 12 to 17 represented 29% of accused [8]. Nevertheless, proportionally, the rate of alleged perpetrators among youth aged 12 to 17 was five times higher than that of adults [9].

However, our observations are similar to those of Buambo-Bamanga et al. in Brazzaville, who noted a predominance of sexual offenders in the 21 - 25 age group [10]. They hypothesize that the rise in youth delinquency and their early access to knowledge about sexual practices could explain their findings. According to them, the harmful influence of social media, with its associated pornographic images, as well as the increasingly frequent use of narcotics by young people, could also explain this increase. In our series, almost all (100%) of the incarcerated accused of sexual assault were male and of Guinean nationality. In Quebec, the majority of alleged accused of sexual offences are men. They represent 96% of alleged accused of sexual assault and 94% of alleged accused of other sexual offences. However, the proportion of alleged accused is slightly lower for the offense of non-consensual publication of intimate images (79%), with women representing 21% of alleged accused for this offense [11]. Other studies have also reported that 98% to 100% of accused of sexual assault were male in 2002 and 2006, respectively [12][13]. The predominance of men reflects the composition of inmates detained for sexual assault offences in this prison and is consistent with previous prison-based studies. However, this study was not designed to investigate the determinants of sexual offending. Regarding employment at the time of incarceration, 59.62% of those incarcerated were employed, compared to 40.38% who were unemployed. We found no statistically significant difference (p = 0.369, OR = 1.32 [0.712 - 2.432]). Among those who were employed, motorcycle taxi drivers represented the largest group (51.61%), followed by laborers/craftsmen (13.87%) and civil servants (9.70%). This predominance of motorcycle taxi drivers could be explained by the fact that this rapidly growing activity in the urban and rural centers of Labé and the surrounding prefectures is primarily carried out by young men, some of whom have interrupted their studies (even after completing university) and are seeking employment. They provide the bulk of urban transportation and are therefore in constant contact with the population, day and night. Motorcycle taxi drivers constituted the largest occupational group among the inmates included in this study. This observation should be interpreted as a descriptive characteristic of this prison population rather than evidence of an occupational risk factor for sexual offending. In Gabon, Olendo (2007) had reported that 50% of the accused persons come from a disadvantaged social background, without employment [14].

Regarding education level, half (50%) of the authors had no formal education. Among those who had attended school, 73.10% had only completed primary school. We found no statistically significant association between education level and incarceration for a sexual assault offence (p = 0.845; OR = 0.94, 95% CI: 0.516 - 1.718). In Senegal, Mbaye (1990) reported that socioeconomic status had a definite influence on the commission of the act [15]. Although education level was not significantly associated with incarceration for a sexual assault offence in our study, further population-based research is needed before drawing conclusions regarding its role.

In this study, their victims, in nearly 29% (28.85%) of cases, knew the majority of alleged accused of sexual offenses (71.15%). In this case, there was no link between the accused persons and the victim, and in 25% of cases the accused was the partner. In the Quebec study, 81% of alleged perpetrator of sexual offences were known to their victims [11]. Only 9% were not known to their victims, while in 10% of cases, the relationship with the victim could not be established [11]. According to the same source, more than a quarter (27%) of alleged accused of sexual assault were a current or former intimate partner. For other sexual offences, alleged accused were more often an immediate family member (21%), an acquaintance (19%), or a current or former intimate partner (11%). The same observation was made by Buambo-Bamango et al. (2005), who reported that in 57.9% of cases, the victim knew the accused [11]. In our context, most alleged victims were reported to know the accused or convicted individual, a finding consistent with previous studies. Because no information on family supervision or other contextual factors was collected, no causal interpretation can be made.

Regarding the location of the assault, the accused’s home was the most common (46.15%), followed by vacant lots (23.1%), the victim’s home (11.54%), and motels (5.8%). A study conducted from 2009 to 2014 reported that nearly two out of three sexual assaults reported to the police (62%) occurred on private property [16]. In Quebec (SPC, 2024), in 2022, 70% of sexual offences reported to police occurred in a residential building (single-family home, apartment unit) [11]. Other locations included educational institutions (6%), commercial establishments (e.g., restaurants, shopping malls, gas stations) (6%), public facilities (e.g., sports centres and arenas, hospitals, prisons) (5%), public spaces (e.g., roads, streets, bike paths) (3%), outdoor areas (e.g., parks, bodies of water) (3%), parking lots (1%), and public transit (1%). As this article shows, in nearly 62 % (61.54%) of cases, the assault occurred between 7: 00 a.m. and 3:59 p.m. It is important to note that there are no specific times of day when sexual assault can occur, as it can happen at any time. However, the time frame is crucial for providing care to the victim, especially after sexual exposure to a risk of sexually transmitted infections.

In this study, the accused was alone in the majority (80.77%) of cases. This rate is comparable to that of N’Guessan et al.(2004) in Côte d’Ivoire, who reported that the violence was committed by a lone individual in 86% of cases [17].

The most common reason for indictment was the rape of a minor ≤ 18 years old (59.62). This rate is lower than those reported in Cameroon by Mbassa (2000) where 70% of sexual offenders had been charged with rape of minors [18]. However, they are close to those reported in the literature with 66% and 66.1% respectively [11][19]. In the WHO multi-country study, the prevalence of reported cases of sexual violence against children under 15 years of age by someone other than an intimate partner ranged from 1% in rural Bangladesh to over 21% in urban areas of Namibia [20]. The study by Speizer et al. compared the first available national population-based data on childhood sexual violence experienced before the age of 15 in three Central American countries [21]. This study found that the prevalence ranged from 4.7% in Guatemala to 7.8% in Honduras and 6.4% in El Salvador, and that the majority of reported cases occurred before the age of 11 [21]. The accused were generally people known to the victims. Indeed, children constitute a target group for accused persons due to their naivety and physical vulnerability.

In our study, the most common circumstance for arrest was that which was preceded by a summons for the accused (28.85%). It is important to note that despite persistent social and religious barriers to reporting and prosecuting this scourge, an increasing number of cases are being handled by the judicial police.

Most inmates accused or convicted of sexual assault had no previous criminal record. However, no statistically significant association was observed between criminal history and incarceration for a sexual assault offence (p = 0.117).

Among the 30 convicted inmates, 43.3% had received a sentence of 10 years’ imprisonment, and the longest was 240 months’ imprisonment (6.67%). In Guinea, the persistence of rape, particularly of girls, calls for significantly greater efforts to raise awareness throughout society to prevent sexual violence, protect victims, enable them to access justice and obtain redress, and bring accused to justice (Amnesty International, 2024). As in Gabon (Olendo, 2007), we recorded one case of sexual assault followed by murder [11]. According to the study by Chéné (2005), murder in sexual assault is not always the result of the perpetrator’s intentions, and the situation in which the crime occurs plays a central role in the outcome [22]. Since there is no systematic link between intentional variables and the outcome of the crime, sexual assaults where the victim dies because the accused had the firm intention to kill her, even before sexually assaulting her, occur only in limited numbers. Sexual homicide can be the result of an “accident” or an escalation.

Regarding sexual assault and family situation, we found no link between the occurrence of sexual assault and having siblings (p = 0.071) or the parents’ marital status (p = 0.381). However, most inmates accused or convicted of sexual assault came from families with three or more siblings. However, neither sibship size nor parental marital status was significantly associated with incarceration for a sexual assault offence in this study. In principle, forensic psychological or psychiatric evaluations should be conducted on all perpetrators of sexual assault by practitioners with proven expertise in the clinical care and treatment of children and adolescents. Unfortunately, psychiatric evaluations of accused of sexual violence are not systematic in Guinea and in most sub-Saharan African countries. Our observations corroborate those of Olendo (2007), who reported in his study in Gabon that no psychiatric evaluations were requested [11]. This is explained by the fact that confession is considered sufficient proof of guilt for accused of sexual violence, and mental illness is considered the disease of the devil, with those afflicted being sent to traditional healers. In the Guinean context, magistrates lack sufficient forensic training to request an evaluation to determine the mental state of the accused before and during the act. Furthermore, no court funds are allocated for such evaluations. Added to this is the shortage of psychiatrists; there are only two for a population of ten million.

This study has several limitations that should be considered when interpreting the findings. First, because the study was conducted in a single civil prison and included only incarcerated individuals, selection bias cannot be excluded. The study population may not be representative of all persons accused or convicted of sexual assault in Guinea, particularly those who were not arrested, prosecuted, or incarcerated. Second, the relatively small sample size (52 inmates) limits the statistical power of the analyses and the precision of subgroup comparisons. Third, sexual offences are widely recognized to be underreported, and many cases never reach the criminal justice system. Consequently, the inmates included in this study represent only a selected subgroup of alleged or convicted offenders. Finally, the cross-sectional design and the prison-based sampling strategy do not allow the identification of determinants or risk factors for sexual offending, and the findings should not be generalized to all alleged perpetrators or all sexual assaults occurring in Guinea. Despite these limitations, this study provides valuable descriptive information on the socio-demographic, medico-legal, and judicial characteristics of inmates accused or convicted of sexual assault in a Guinean prison.

Among inmates incarcerated at the Labé Civil Prison during the study period, 18.1% had been accused or convicted of a sexual assault offence. These detainees were predominantly young men, were frequently known to the alleged victim, and were most often prosecuted for sexual offences involving minors. The study provides a descriptive overview of the socio-demographic, medico-legal and judicial characteristics of this prison population. Because the study was conducted in a single prison and included only incarcerated individuals, these findings should not be interpreted as identifying determinants or risk factors for sexual assault in the general population of Guinea. Nevertheless, they may contribute to improving prison health care, judicial practice and future multicentre research on alleged and convicted perpetrators of sexual offences.

This study was conducted in accordance with the ethical principles of the Declaration of Helsinki. Authorization to conduct the study was obtained from the Directorate of Penitentiary Administration and the Ethics Committee of Gamal Abdel Nasser University of Conakry. Confidentiality and anonymity were strictly respected throughout the research process.

The study involved human participants and was conducted in accordance with applicable ethical standards. Participation was voluntary, and informed consent was obtained from all participants.

Not applicable. This manuscript does not contain any individual person’s identifiable data, images, or videos.

The authors received no specific funding for this work. This research did not receive any grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.