Active aging, as defined by the World Health Organization (2002), is the process of optimizing opportunities for health, participation, and security to enhance quality of life as people age [9]. This framework emphasizes three interrelated domains: physical health (e.g., maintaining mobility through exercise), mental well-being (e.g., cognitive stimulation through learning), and social engagement (e.g., community involvement to prevent loneliness). More importantly, active aging shifts the analytical focus from dependency, decline, and service consumption to autonomy, participation, dignity, and continued contribution in later life.

In rapidly aging societies such as Taiwan Region, where traditional family-based care is increasingly strained, active aging programs are vital for promoting independence and reducing reliance on institutional services [10]-[12]. Recent scholarship extends this framework by conceptualizing active aging within “age-friendly community ecosystems,” in which accessibility, continuity, and social participation are shaped by neighborhood conditions rather than individual factors alone. Neighborhood-based programs thus serve as enabling infrastructures, particularly for older adults facing mobility limitations or weakened family support.

Empirical studies consistently demonstrate the benefits of community-based interventions aligned with active aging principles. Structured activities—including fitness classes, educational workshops, and group outings—have been shown to improve physical function, cognitive health, and emotional well-being among older adults [7]. Lottery-funded NGO initiatives help overcome these obstacles by providing free, localized, and flexible programs that resonate with Taiwan Region’s cultural emphasis on community and relational support. Recent evidence further indicates that interventions embedded in familiar community environments are especially effective, as familiarity lowers barriers and sustains long-term engagement [13]. From a behavioral perspective, the repeatability of low-pressure sessions, such as regular scheduling, familiar peers, and predictable settings, plays a key role in habit formation and anxiety reduction among older adults.

Social capital theory offers a robust lens for understanding lottery-funded community engagement programs for older adults. Putnam defines social capital as networks of relationships, trust, and norms of reciprocity that generate benefits for individuals and communities, distinguishing between bonding social capital, i.e., strong within-group ties and bridging social capital, i.e., cross-group connections [14]. For older adults, social capital is associated with reduced loneliness, greater resilience, and improved health outcomes [15]. In Taiwan Region’s context of urbanization and shrinking family sizes, community programs are crucial for rebuilding weakened social networks [16].

Empirical research supports the role of community activities in enhancing social integration. Studies show that structured leisure, learning, and participatory programs strengthen social capital and life satisfaction among seniors [17][18]. Elder-led initiatives, in particular, foster bonding, expand networks, and promote sustained participation [19]. Recent study further highlights how social networks buffer against exclusion while being shaped by structural inequalities related to class, gender, and life-course experiences [20].

Routine, low-pressure interactions—such as shared meals and informal discussions—often produce more durable ties than one-off events. The present case illustrates this mechanism: repeated small-group activities gradually transformed weak neighborhood ties into supportive peer networks. This social-capital perspective also illuminates key qualitative themes, including psychological safety and later-life identity reconstruction, whereby participants feeling “safe to try” and “valued as contributors” strengthened reciprocity and sustained engagement beyond the funded period.

Public lotteries serve as an important funding mechanism for social welfare programs in many countries, enabling governments to support preventive and participatory initiatives without direct tax increases [21]. In Taiwan Region, lottery revenues have been channeled through NGOs to address elderly care, disability services, and community development, often filling gaps in formal long-term care systems. Such programs appear most effective when integrating health promotion, education, and social elements [11][22].

This study applies active aging and social capital frameworks to evaluate how lottery-funded activities contribute to elderly well-being and community resilience. While proposal-based competition encourages innovation, periodic reporting requirements can impose administrative burdens on implementers. Consequently, social impact hinges not only on funding availability but also on governance design, including review criteria that prioritize sustained participation, learning outcomes, and community spillovers.

In aging populations, the concept of subhealth is particularly salient as an intermediate state between full health and clinical disease. Subhealth is characterized by minor physiological, psychological, or biochemical abnormalities without diagnosable pathology [23][24]. This condition is linked to lifestyle factors and elevates the risk of progression to chronic illness if unaddressed.

Although the concept of subhealth is useful, this study adopts a broader prevention-oriented view of older adults’ health and well-being. In community gerontology, prevention includes maintaining functional ability, strengthening health literacy, supporting daily routines, preserving social roles, and reducing psychological risks such as loneliness, fear, and withdrawal. Community-based programs can play a preventive role by promoting physical activity, health literacy, and social engagement, thereby supporting functional independence and delaying deterioration. In this study, modules on exercise, health and spiritual life align with prevention-oriented approaches, focusing on daily confidence, safe routines, and health literacy (e.g., medication safety) rather than replacing clinical care. A Recent study show that a healthy lifestyle intervention using wearable feedback was meaningful not simply because of technology itself, but because it supported awareness, behavior change, and well-being among older adults experiencing cognitive decline [25]. In this study, the program’s preventive value therefore lies in its combination of physical activity, cognitive stimulation, social interaction, emotional support, and practical life knowledge. This combination helps explain why participants reported not only satisfaction with individual sessions, but also stronger confidence and willingness to continue participation.

The initiative examined here was delivered through collaboration between a private long-term care provider and a national NGO, supported by public funding. This arrangement combines public legitimacy, NGO relational trust, and private-sector operational flexibility, a model increasingly used in Taiwan Region to scale aging-related community services without expanding public-sector staffing. NGOs contribute community trust, advocacy experience, and outreach capacity, while private providers offer service delivery expertise and adaptability to participants’ changing needs. Together, these actors create conditions not only for effective service delivery, but also for the cultivation of peer leadership and community capability. This partnership structure is particularly important in aging policy because older adults’ participation often depends on trust, familiarity, and the perceived safety of the program environment. A purely administrative model may secure compliance and reporting, but it may not generate the relational conditions needed for long-term engagement.

Public-private-NGO collaboration can therefore be understood as a governance arrangement for converting financial resources into social infrastructure. Public funding provides legitimacy and basic resources; NGOs provide mission orientation, advocacy, and relational access; and private providers contribute operational capacity, professional knowledge, and service responsiveness. When these roles are well integrated, community programs can move beyond service delivery toward co-production, where older adults themselves become participants, peer supporters, and informal leaders.

Using this case, the analysis examines how structured, neighborhood-embedded activities support older adults’ well-being, social connection, and sustained engagement. By tracing both immediate outcomes and longer-term continuation, the study identifies mechanisms through which repeated participation fosters psychological safety, strengthens peer relationships, and supports later-life identity reconstruction. Importantly, this model supports sustainability by fostering participant-led continuity and peer leadership, shifting the program from external service delivery toward community capability building.

Inclusion criteria were community-dwelling adults aged 65 and above who were physically and mentally capable of active participation. Participants were recruited through existing community networks and word-of-mouth referrals, a recruitment strategy commonly used in neighborhood-based programs for older adults. Although the initial recruitment target was 30 participants, enrolment increased to 40 participants, reflecting the influence of peer encouragement and informal social networks on participation decisions among older adults [23].

All participants resided within the same local community. Recruitment followed a snowball pattern, whereby early participants invited neighbors to join subsequent sessions. The final participant group comprised 5 men and 35 women, a distribution that reflects gendered life-course patterns in Taiwan Region, where women are more likely to retire earlier and remain locally embedded through household and caregiving roles. Participants were informed that data collected through questionnaires, observation, and interviews would be used for research purposes. Participation in all data collection activities was voluntary, and individuals could decline or withdraw at any time without consequence.

The researcher served as both lecturer/organizer and observer. Therefore, participant observation and in-depth interviews were applied for qualitative data collection. Questionnaire surveys on learning efficacy and satisfaction were also applied. The pre-test for learning efficacy was administered on the first day of the program, and the post-test was administered on the last day; all participants were invited to complete both.

Participant observation was conducted throughout the program cycle because the researcher also served as lecturer and organizer. Observations focused on 1) engagement behaviors (attendance stability, willingness to speak, question asking), 2) peer interaction patterns (greeting behaviors, mutual help, information sharing), 3) emotional climate (signs of anxiety, confidence, laughter, encouragement), and 4) emergent informal leadership (participants who initiated reminders, coordinated seating, invited neighbors, or proposed follow-up activities). Fieldnotes were recorded immediately after each session in a structured template containing: date/time, session type, key activities, notable interaction episodes, and brief analytic memos linking observations to active aging and social capital constructs. To reduce recall bias, notes were written within 24 hours of each session, and reflective memos were updated weekly to capture change over time.

Because the researcher held dual roles (facilitator and observer), steps were taken to strengthen credibility. First, observational claims were triangulated with a) attendance records, b) open-ended survey comments, and c) interview excerpts. Second, analytic memos explicitly distinguished descriptive observations (what happened) from interpretive inferences (what it might mean). Third, negative cases were recorded, including moments of disengagement, confusion, or complaints, to avoid only reporting positive accounts.

In-depth interviews were conducted with a small purposive subset of participants who a) attended frequently, b) initially hesitated but later became active, or c) played informal peer-leadership roles. Interviews were semi-structured and asked about perceived changes in daily routine, confidence, loneliness, neighbor relationships, and reasons for continued participation. Interview notes were anonymized and integrated into the thematic analysis alongside open-ended survey data.

The evaluation of learning efficacy and participant satisfaction was conducted using paper-based questionnaires, deliberately chosen for their readability and accessibility among elderly participants. As there were 20 sessions of classes, learning efficacy was measured through a pre-post design with two identical sets of 20 knowledge-based questions. Each question was tailored by the respective instructors to the content of their specific module (e.g., for the legal literacy session, questions included: “What is required for a will to be legally valid: handwritten, oral declaration, lawyer endorsement, or typed document with signature?”). The pre-test was administered in the first week of the program to establish baseline knowledge across all professional topics. The post-test was administered on the final day during the closing ceremony. Comparison of correct responses between pre- and post-tests served as the primary indicator of learning outcomes. Results showed a statistically significant increase in the proportion of correct answers following instruction, indicating substantial gains in accurate knowledge and understanding of the professional content delivered.

Participant satisfaction was assessed using a 17-item self-developed questionnaire covering 5 key program dimensions: 1) course content, with 4 items, 2) instructor performance, 5 items, 3) learning proficiency, 3 items, 4) administrative service quality, 4 items, and 5) overall satisfaction & expectations, 2 items. Items were rated on a 5-point Likert-type scale. Overall satisfaction was very high, with strong positive responses across all eight domains, reflecting the program's success in meeting participant expectations and delivering a positive experience.

Because the survey instruments were self-developed for program evaluation, this paper treats it as a pragmatic monitoring tool rather than a validated psychometric scale. However, using multiple dimensions (content, instructor, learning, administration, overall satisfaction) strengthens interpretability and aligns with common program evaluation practice in community interventions. These assessment methods provided both objective evidence of knowledge gain and subjective feedback on program delivery, supporting the overall effectiveness of the initiative in promoting active aging and social engagement among older adults.

The researcher’s dual role as organizer, lecturer, and observer introduced potential social desirability bias. To mitigate this, surveys were anonymous, collected with assistance where possible, and participants were assured that feedback would not affect future services. Negative cases and disengagement moments were actively recorded. Observational claims were triangulated with survey and interview data. All personal information was anonymized. Ethical considerations were addressed by informing participants that data would be used for research purposes and that they could withdraw at any time without consequence.

The participation rate was calculated after the completion of the program. Data analysis involved thematic coding using NVivo software. Coding was hybrid (deductive from active aging and social capital frameworks + inductive from the data). Themes were derived through iterative coding and discussion of selected excerpts, with codes focused on: 1) activity content and delivery; 2) participation levels and satisfaction; 3) social outcomes (e.g., neighbor interactions, sense of belonging); 4) perceived benefits (e.g., improved health, renewed purpose, community cohesion); and 5) sustainability (e.g., formation of self-learning groups).

The program delivered a total of 75 sessions between March 3, 2025, and October 9, 2025, reaching 1175 person-times of participation across five thematic clusters and one travel-learning module. Attendance averaged 95%. The satisfaction survey yielded exceptionally high results, with 94% of participants rating the program as "very satisfying" (5 on a 5-point Likert scale where 1 = strongly disagree/very dissatisfied and 5 = strongly agree/very satisfied). Participants, primarily adults aged 65 and older who were physically and mentally capable of active involvement, reported benefits across physical, emotional, cognitive, and social domains.

Overall, the training program received overwhelmingly positive feedback, reflecting strong perceived value and effectiveness among this demographic. Participants reported high overall satisfaction with the program (Mean = 4.6, N = 40), indicating an exceptionally favorable reception. This global rating underscores the program's success in meeting or exceeding expectations for elderly learners, who often prioritize accessibility, relevance, and supportive delivery in educational interventions. When examining the five recategorized dimensions, the results show (Table 1):

1. Course Content achieved a very high mean score of 4.62, suggesting that participants found the material highly relevant, appropriately paced, balanced between theory and practical application, and well-aligned with the intended theme. This strong rating highlights the program's ability to deliver content that resonates with the needs and interests of older adults.

2. Instructor Performance received the highest subscale mean of 4.69, reflecting excellent perceptions of the instructors' clarity in communication, mastery of teaching points, effectiveness of delivery methods, sufficiency of prepared materials, and responsiveness to questions. These results point to highly competent and engaging facilitation as a major strength of the program.

3. Learning Proficiency scored a mean of 4.59, indicating that most participants successfully understood the course content, could articulate its key points, and perceived direct benefits to their current daily lives or work-related activities. This dimension confirms meaningful knowledge gains and practical applicability for the target group.

4. Administrative Service Quality was rated at a mean of 4.53, demonstrating solid satisfaction with pre-course notifications, registration processes, training venue suitability, and overall administrative handling. While slightly lower than other domains, this score still reflects a positive logistical experience with minimal reported issues.

5. Overall Satisfaction & Expectations yielded the highest mean of 4.7, with participants affirming that the program met (or exceeded) their anticipated outcomes. This category, encompassing global assessments of the instructor's teaching style and professionalism, reinforces the program's holistic success and high endorsement by elderly attendees.

Table 1.Participant satisfaction by dimension (N = 40).

In summary, across all dimensions, mean scores consistently exceeded 4.5 on the 5-point scale, evidencing robust participant approval and perceived impact. These quantitative findings suggest the training was well-designed, effectively delivered, and highly valued by older adult participants, with no major areas of dissatisfaction identified in the structured responses. From a program-evaluation perspective, these high satisfaction scores are meaningful because older adults often discontinue participation when content is either too difficult, too fast, or socially uncomfortable. The consistently high ratings across content, instructor performance, and overall expectations suggest the program reduced common participation barriers (fear of embarrassment, difficulty following instructions, lack of belonging), which helps explain the strong attendance stability.

Participant feedback was collected through open-ended survey questions and analyzed thematically. The following themes emerged:

1) Activity Content and Delivery

Participants consistently praised the practical, age-appropriate design of the sessions. One respondent noted: “The exercise classes were easy to follow, and the instructor explained everything slowly. I now do safe stretches at home every day.” Another highlighted the technology group: “I never thought I could use AI on my phone. The teacher repeated things until we all understood—it was patient and clear.” Life planning sessions were described as “useful and not scary,” with simple real-life examples that encouraged questions and engagement. Participant observation notes reinforced these perceptions: instructors who used repetition, humor, and hands-on practice generated more peer-to-peer helping behaviors (e.g., participants teaching each other how to open an app or adjust posture), suggesting that the delivery style indirectly strengthened social capital through cooperative learning.

2) Participation Levels and Satisfaction

Attendance and satisfaction were exceptionally high. One participant stated: “I came to almost every session because the schedule was convenient and the atmosphere was so welcoming. I give it full marks—5 out of 5!” Another commented: “The classes were fun, not boring like I expected. I always looked forward to coming.” The overall satisfaction rate of 94% reflected strong positive reception, with many noting that facilitators made them feel respected and included from the start. A repeated pattern in observation memos was that social motivation increased over time: early attendance was often driven by curiosity or invitations from neighbors, while later attendance was maintained by relational commitment (“my friends will be there”) and role identity (“I am a regular learner”). This temporal shift supports the argument that program success depends on the conversion of initial participation into habit and belonging.

3) Social Outcomes

Social bonding was a prominent outcome. Before the program, many participants reported minimal neighbor interaction. One respondent shared: “I barely knew my neighbors before, but now after shared meals and group outings, we greet each other every day and chat on the phone. I feel like I belong again.” Another said: “We were strangers in the same building, but now we share stories and support each other. It feels like a big family.” The program significantly reduced feelings of loneliness, with participants noting a renewed sense of community belonging. These narratives reflect both bonding social capital (stronger ties within the community group) and practical reciprocity norms (checking in on each other, sharing local information), which are especially important in super-aged societies where emergency response and everyday assistance increasingly depend on neighborhood-level coordination.

4) Perceived Benefits

Participants reported improvements in multiple domains. Physical health benefits were common: “My legs are stronger now, and I sleep better after the exercise classes.” Emotional and existential benefits were also evident: “I have renewed purpose. Learning AI made me feel capable, and group discussions helped me reflect on my life.” Community cohesion was frequently mentioned: “We share resources and look out for each other. It’s not just activities; it’s a support network that makes me happier and healthier.” While most feedback was positive, a few participants noted initial hesitation or difficulty keeping up with technology sessions, indicating that some barriers remained despite overall high satisfaction.

5) Sustainability

A key outcome was the formation of a self-sustaining learning group. One participant explained: “After the program ended, we formed the ‘Feng Yu Life Self-Learning Group’ with 12 members. We meet weekly to plan our own activities and share what we learned.” Another added: “We’re now organizing our own trips and health talks without needing the NGO. This shows the program really planted lasting seeds.” The emergence of this group indicates the program’s success in building long-term community capacity. From a social impact perspective, this is a critical indicator because it suggests the program created “continuation capacity,” meaning the benefits can persist even when funding ends. In super-aged societies, this form of sustainability is especially valuable because it reduces reliance on continuous external staffing while preserving peer support and routine social contact.

6) Psychological Safety and Confidence

Participants frequently described a sense of psychological safety emerging from the program environment. Several respondents emphasized that the activities were “non-judgmental” and “pressure-free,” which encouraged participation even among initially hesitant individuals. One participant remarked: “Here, no one laughs if you forget things. We all help each other.” Another noted: “I used to be afraid of learning new things at my age, but seeing others like me try made me brave.” These accounts suggest that the program fostered emotional security, which is critical for sustained engagement in later life. This psychological safety is consistent with active aging principles because it lowers perceived participation risk and supports continued contribution, especially for older adults who fear stigma around memory decline or unfamiliar technology.

7) Identity Reconstruction in Later Life

Beyond functional benefits, participants articulated shifts in self-identity. Several elderly respondents described transitioning from passive recipients of care to active learners and contributors. One stated: “I thought retirement meant waiting for time to pass. Now I feel I still have value.” Another shared: “My grandchildren respect me more when I tell them I learned AI.” These narratives indicate that the program supported positive aging identities, reinforcing dignity and self-worth. Identity reconstruction also appeared to support sustainability: participants who described themselves as “learners” or “helpers” were more likely to initiate follow-up activities, invite others, and maintain group contact outside formal sessions, suggesting that identity change can be an intermediate mechanism linking program participation to long-term community capacity.

These findings suggest that the lottery-funded initiative was associated with improved active aging and social capital outcomes. High participation and satisfaction rates, coupled with the formation of a self-learning group, demonstrate the program’s ability to reduce isolation, enhance well-being, and create sustainable community networks among older adults.

Taken together, the findings suggest that elderly well-being initiatives should be evaluated not only by attendance metrics, but by their capacity to generate self-sustaining social systems, peer leadership, and community trust. Lottery-funded programs are uniquely positioned to fulfill this role because they operate outside rigid welfare bureaucracies while retaining public legitimacy. The program’s design and outcomes offer several actionable lessons for Taiwan Region’s aging policy and social welfare funding mechanisms.

1. Effective Use of Government Lottery Funds for Elderly Care

Public lottery profits represent a stable, voluntary-source revenue stream that can be channeled to support preventive and participatory elderly programs without increasing tax burdens. The high satisfaction and sustained impact of this initiative demonstrate that lottery funding is particularly suitable for community-led, low-overhead projects that directly address social isolation and promote active aging. Policymakers should prioritize allocating a larger share of lottery revenues to similar NGO-run initiatives that focus on social connectedness rather than solely on institutional or medical care. In particular, funding criteria can explicitly value social outcomes such as reduced perceived loneliness, increased neighbor contact, and the formation of peer-led continuity groups.

2. Leveraging Local Communities as Sustainable Human Resources

The formation of the self-learning group highlights how elderly residents themselves can become a sustainable, voluntary human resource for ongoing community support. When given structured opportunities to interact, learn, and take ownership, seniors shift from being passive recipients of care to active contributors within their neighborhoods. This reduces long-term dependence on formal services and builds resilience against future demographic pressures. Future programs should intentionally include mechanisms such as peer-led planning sessions that empower participants to continue activities independently after funding ends.

3. Utilizing Private-Sector Expertise and Flexibility

Private companies bring market-driven efficiency, operational know-how, and service delivery capacity that public agencies often lack. Private providers are more flexible, quicker to adapt to real-time needs, better at understanding community demands, and experienced in marketing and outreach which skills essential for attracting and retaining elderly participants. Because private companies survive in a competitive economic environment, they are incentivized to deliver high-quality, user-centered services. Government should actively partner with private long-term care providers to execute community programs, allowing public funds to focus on oversight and equity rather than direct service delivery. This flexibility is particularly valuable for older-adult programs because participation barriers can change quickly (weather, health fluctuations, family obligations), requiring rapid adjustments that are difficult in rigid public procurement systems.

4. Harnessing NGO Reputation and Expertise

NGOs possess strong positive brand image, deep understanding of the needs of elderly and disabled populations, and established trust within vulnerable communities. Their advocacy experience and support networks enable effective outreach, culturally sensitive program design, and emotional support for participants. By positioning NGOs as lead coordinators, government can leverage their legitimacy and relational capital to ensure programs reach those most in need and are perceived as trustworthy. This partnership model maximizes the social impact of public funds. In practice, NGO trust can also reduce stigma: older adults may feel more comfortable participating in a community program coordinated by a familiar NGO than attending an unfamiliar institutional service setting.

5. Improve Project Review Mechanisms

To encourage innovation, the government should recruit multidisciplinary review panels when evaluating lottery-funded project proposals. Including scholars from gerontology, public health, social work, psychology, business management, and community planning would allow more nuanced assessment of feasibility, creativity, and social impact. Such diversity would also reduce the risk of conservative funding decisions that discourage experimental or cross-sectoral initiatives. A practical mechanism is to require each proposal to be reviewed by at least one subject-matter reviewer (aging/health), one community practice reviewer (social work/community development), and one sustainability reviewer (management/operations), ensuring balanced evaluation criteria rather than single-discipline dominance.

6. Reduce Administrative Burden

Administrative efficiency is critical. Excessive paperwork and reporting requirements consume limited NGO capacity and reduce time available for direct engagement with elderly participants. Streamlining application and reporting procedures, focusing on outcome indicators rather than procedural compliance, would significantly improve program effectiveness and staff morale. A simplified reporting template could prioritize a small set of outcome indicators already collected in this case (attendance stability, satisfaction means, qualitative theme summaries, and evidence of sustainability such as follow-up group formation).

No individual identifiers were used, and the analysis focused solely on aggregate patterns and qualitative feedback. Limitations include reliance on self-reported outcomes, non-probability sampling, and the absence of a control group, which precludes causal inference. Despite these constraints, the rich qualitative and quantitative data provide valuable insights into the program's impact on elderly well-being. Future studies can strengthen evidence by 1) tracking individual-level changes (matched pre/post learning scores, loneliness scales), 2) adding a comparison community or waitlist group when feasible, and 3) conducting follow-up measurement 3 to 6 months after program completion to assess whether peer networks and activity routines persist.

Based on the experience from this case and feedback from the participants, this study suggests that the government should encourage more innovation through a diverse expert review committee. To stimulate more creative and impactful proposals, the government should recruit a multidisciplinary review panel; it is to evaluate lottery-fund applications. A diverse panel can better identify innovative ideas, ensure scientific rigor, and encourage NGOs to propose bold, evidence-based programs that address emerging elderly needs. Future elderly programs should prioritize fostering social capital to address diversity and inequality in later life, as structural divides continue to shape older adults' access to supportive networks [16].

The project manager from this case mentioned the heavy loading of paperwork, which is often a challenge in government-funded projects in Taiwan Region. It is suggested to reduce administrative burden and prioritize direct service delivery. Excessive paperwork and reporting requirements often divert NGO time and resources away from actual activities. The government should streamline application and reporting processes, focusing evaluation on measurable participant outcomes (attendance, satisfaction, sustained engagement) rather than procedural compliance. This would allow NGOs to concentrate on delivering high-quality events and responding directly to the real needs of elderly participants [25].

In conclusion, lottery-funded community programs, when executed through effective public-private-NGO partnerships, offer a scalable, cost-effective model for enhancing elderly well-being in super-aged societies. By combining public resources, private efficiency, and NGO legitimacy, such initiatives can reduce isolation, strengthen community bonds, and empower older adults to live more active, connected, and meaningful lives. Policymakers should expand and institutionalize this collaborative approach to meet the growing care and social needs of Taiwan Region’s aging population.

Overall, this case suggests that the most valuable social impact of lottery-funded elderly programs may be their capacity to convert public funds into community capability: routine participation creates psychological safety; psychological safety supports identity reconstruction; and identity reconstruction supports peer-led sustainability. This pathway provides a practical framework for designing future lottery-funded interventions that remain effective even under the demographic constraints of super-aged societies.