Corruption is widely recognized as a critical global challenge that has attracted increasing attention from leaders, international organizations, and scholars. It is deeply intertwined with cultural factors; the values, norms, and practices of a society shape how corruption is understood, tolerated, or opposed ([1]; [42]). In different parts of the world, similar actions may be seen as normal social behavior in one culture and condemned as corruption in another ([4]; [43]). The cultural underpinnings of corruption influence its prevalence, manifestation, and the acceptance of anti-corruption measures.

In Africa, the problem is especially acute. Many African countries consistently rank among the world’s most corrupt, and corruption has spread “like an epidemic” throughout public and private institutions in the region ([5]; [7]). Historical and structural factors (particularly colonial legacies) have entrenched corrupt systems and fostered the abuse of public power ([8]; [44]). Scholars have thus examined how distinctive African social systems shape corruption dynamics. Studies highlight how customary practices such as elaborate gift giving, extended family obligations, and patronage systems blur the line between cultural tradition and corrupt favoritism ([9]). What is considered an act of reciprocity (like giving gifts to elders or officials) may, under certain circumstances, function as a bribe. Likewise, kinship networks and tribal ties often channel resources preferentially, leading to nepotism and biased allocation of opportunities ([10]). Traditional authorities may also abuse their positions for personal gain, undermining local governance ([11]).

Despite these insights, the literature on culture and corruption in Africa remains limited. Many analyses focus narrowly on individual countries or rely on qualitative anecdotes, making generalization difficult. There is also a tendency to emphasize the negative aspects of culture (how it facilitates corruption) while overlooking how cultural strengths might promote integrity ([12]).

Ghana, a diverse West African nation, exemplifies these dynamics. From the colonial era to the present, the country has battled endemic corruption despite repeated reforms. For instance, the Serious Fraud Office (SFO) was established in 1993 to investigate and prosecute major financial crimes, and subsequent governments declared “zero tolerance” for corruption. Even so, survey rankings and public perceptions continue to show that corruption remains pervasive ([15]). Studies in Ghana document widespread forms of corruption such as bribery, embezzlement, procurement fraud, and “ghost” workers on payrolls ([16]; [45]).

Cultural traditions are deeply woven into Ghanaian social life and shape perceptions of corruption. Major ethnic groups such as the Akan and Dagbani emphasize communal solidarity, loyalty, and respect for elders. These values foster strong social networks that, while enhancing cohesion, may encourage favoritism and nepotism. Rituals of gift exchange are central to Ghanaian culture but can overlap with acts of bribery when directed at public officials. Moreover, traditional leaders and informal justice systems coexist with formal institutions, creating parallel structures that can both sustain cohesion and open channels for favoritism ([17]; [65]).

Ultimately, corruption in Ghana is a complex and culturally embedded phenomenon. Understanding it requires exploring how cultural norms, traditional authority, and social obligations shape what Ghanaians perceive as corrupt behavior.

This study conceptualizes corruption perception not simply as an assessment of how widespread corruption is, but as a socially and culturally constructed understanding of what constitutes corruption in the first place. Corruption perception refers to the ways individuals and groups interpret, define, and morally evaluate behaviors involving public authority, personal benefit, and the circumvention of formal rules. These interpretations are deeply embedded in social norms, cultural expectations, and shared moral frameworks ([17]; [64]).

This study conceptualizes corruption perception not merely as an assessment of how widespread corruption is, nor solely as the degree to which individuals tolerate corrupt practices. Rather, it is understood as a socially and culturally constructed interpretation of what constitutes corruption in the first place. Specifically, corruption perception refers to the ways in which individuals define, interpret, and morally evaluate actions involving public authority, personal gain, and the circumvention of formal rules. These interpretations are shaped by cultural norms, social expectations, and shared moral frameworks, which determine whether particular behaviours—such as gift-giving, favouritism, or informal exchanges—are perceived as acceptable social practices or as corrupt acts. By adopting this perspective, the study shifts attention from measuring the prevalence of corruption to understanding its meaning within a specific cultural context. This distinction is important because behaviours considered corrupt in one cultural setting may be interpreted differently in another. As such, examining corruption perception through a culturally grounded lens provides a more nuanced understanding of how corruption is constructed, justified, or contested within Ghanaian society.

The goal of the study is to identify Ghana’s dominant cultural dimensions and examine how these cultural traits shape citizens’ perceptions of corruption.

To identify the dominant cultural dimensions of Ghana using the GLOBE cultural framework.To examine the influence of key Ghanaian cultural dimensions on citizens’ perceptions of corruption.To determine how demographic factors—particularly age—moderate the relationship between cultural dimensions and corruption perception.To assess whether political activity moderates the effect of cultural dimensions on perceptions of corruption in Ghana.

This study makes important theoretical, methodological, and practical contributions to the understanding of corruption within cultural contexts.

First, it advances a novel, culturally grounded approach that moves beyond standardized perception indices such as those of Transparency International. By focusing on how corruption is locally understood, justified, and contested within Ghanaian social norms, the study exposes the limitations of universal indices that overlook internal cultural variations.

Second, it offers a theoretical contribution by developing a culturally informed framework that explains how values such as collectivism, power distance, and family obligations shape the persistence and normalization of corruption. This framework enriches ongoing debates on whether corruption is merely a legal-economic problem or also a culturally negotiated practice.

Third, methodologically, the study applies the GLOBE cultural dimensions framework to the Ghanaian context—where it has not been previously tested—to provide empirically grounded and context-specific cultural indicators. This strengthens analytical rigor and facilitates future comparative research in similar socio-cultural environments.

Finally, the study has strong practical implications. It provides policymakers, civil society, and development partners with context-sensitive insights to design anti-corruption strategies aligned with local cultural realities. In doing so, it supports the formulation of culturally responsive and sustainable governance interventions to reduce corruption in Ghana and comparable settings.

Corruption is notoriously difficult to define in a single, universal way. Different disciplines (legal, political, and economic) have framed it differently, and no single definition has gained global consensus ([50]; [58]). One widely used characterization, offered by [51], is that corruption occurs when public interests are subordinated to private aims in violation of duty or ethical norms, accompanied by secrecy, betrayal, or deception. This conceptualization emphasizes that corruption involves an abuse of trust or power, not merely illicit gain, and that it entails a breach of a community’s expected standards ([52]). In other words, corruption is not just theft of public funds; it is a deeper moral transgression against the social contract. This broader view also covers a range of behaviors (from petty bribery to grand embezzlement) and recognizes that the ethical violation, rather than the monetary value, defines the offense ([66]).

Culture, by contrast, refers to the shared meanings, beliefs, and practices of a group. It encompasses the acquired knowledge and patterns of behavior transmitted from one generation to the next ([63]) and the symbolic systems that allow individuals to interpret experiences. [48] described culture as the “collective programming of the mind” that distinguishes members of one group from another, while [2] in the GLOBE Project defined it as the shared motives, values, and beliefs transmitted across generations. Culture shapes how people perceive authority, reciprocity, and moral duty, which are dimensions central to understanding how corruption is viewed within a society. In Ghana, cultural norms such as respect for elders, extended family obligations, and communal solidarity ([3]; [57]) influence what people consider acceptable or corrupt conduct.

Academic theories offer different lenses for analyzing how culture and corruption interact. Cultural Relativity Theory (CRT), rooted in anthropology, posits that ethical judgments are culturally contingent ([18]). Thus, what one society labels as “corruption” may be accepted as normal reciprocity in another. Scholars emphasize that practices such as gift-giving and favoritism may be culturally embedded obligations rather than moral failures. For instance, [19] demonstrated that perceptions of nepotism or gift exchange vary widely across regions due to local moral codes.

Social Network Theory, grounded in sociology, emphasizes that behavior is shaped by interpersonal ties and network obligations ([20]; [56]). Within this view, corruption arises within relational networks where reciprocity and loyalty govern action. Empirical studies show that individuals embedded in networks where corrupt behavior is normalized are more likely to engage in similar acts ([55]). This theory is particularly relevant in African societies, where kinship and patronage ties create strong obligations to assist one’s in-group.

Public Choice Theory approaches corruption from an economic standpoint, portraying it as a rational outcome of self-interest under weak institutional constraints. Yet, critics argue it overlooks the cultural and moral dimensions that condition self-interest ([21]). Integrating cultural analysis with public choice thus provides a fuller picture, showing how cultural norms influence the costs and perceived legitimacy of corrupt behavior.

This study adopts an interdisciplinary anthropological approach, combining these theories to interpret corruption as both a moral and social phenomenon shaped by Ghana’s cultural environment.

To systematically analyze how culture shapes corruption, scholars have proposed several models of national culture.

[47] Cultural Dimensions Theory identifies six axes: power distance, individualism-collectivism, masculinity-femininity, uncertainty avoidance, long-term orientation, and indulgence. African societies generally exhibit high power distance, reflecting hierarchical respect for elders and authority. Sub-Saharan Africa also tends toward collectivism due to extended family systems, which may foster loyalty networks conducive to favoritism or nepotism ([22]).

The GLOBE Project expanded Hofstede’s framework by introducing nine dimensions: power distance, uncertainty avoidance, in-group and institutional collectivism, humane orientation, assertiveness, gender egalitarianism, performance orientation, and future orientation. Studies have found links between GLOBE’s cultural dimensions (especially uncertainty avoidance, in-group collectivism, and humane orientation) and levels of corruption ([23]). However, scholars such as [48] caution that the framework’s national-level focus can obscure local variations within countries like Ghana.

Another influential model, Riggs’ (Prismatic-Sala Model), conceptualizes developing societies as “prismatic”; combining modern and traditional systems with overlapping norms ([24]; [54]). This helps explain how Ghana’s bureaucratic and customary structures interact, creating spaces where corruption thrives amid competing value systems.

While these models provide useful analytical lenses, they have limitations when applied to Ghana. Hofstede and GLOBE data only partially capture African contexts, as Ghana was not originally sampled. Hence, this study employs the GLOBE dimensions as a starting point but supplements them with local data to reveal Ghana-specific cultural traits influencing perceptions of corruption.

The relationship between culture and corruption is intricate, involving mutual reinforcement between social norms and institutional practices. Cultural values determine what societies perceive as moral or immoral, influencing not only the prevalence of corruption but also its acceptability ([25]; [53]).

In African contexts, collectivist orientations often emphasize loyalty to kin and community over impersonal bureaucratic rules. This cultural logic creates an ethical tension between fulfilling communal obligations and adhering to legal norms. For instance, gift giving and reciprocity—hallmarks of African sociability—can transform into bribery when directed at public officials. The persistence of such practices demonstrates that corruption in Africa is not solely institutional failure but also reflects embedded social expectations.

Empirical studies reveal that societies with high power distance and collectivist cultures tend to exhibit higher tolerance for nepotism and favoritism. In Ghana, kin-based patronage networks shape political recruitment and administrative behavior, often overriding meritocratic standards. At the same time, moral codes rooted in communal ethics can also foster accountability, as traditional leaders and elders may sanction corrupt conduct when it threatens group cohesion.

Cultural heterogeneity within Ghana further complicates this relationship. While the Akan emphasize respect for authority and reciprocity, northern groups such as the Dagbani prioritize kin solidarity and customary honor systems. These variations imply that anti-corruption efforts must be culturally calibrated rather than uniform.

Scholars increasingly advocate integrating cultural understanding into governance reforms ([26]). Culturally sensitive anti-corruption strategies—such as engaging traditional authorities, leveraging communal sanctions, and aligning policies with indigenous moral codes—can enhance legitimacy and compliance ([27]; [53]). Conversely, neglecting cultural norms risks policy failure and resistance, as externally imposed reforms may clash with local moral economies.

The nexus between culture and corruption in Ghana reflects a dual reality: culture can simultaneously perpetuate and constrain corrupt practices. Understanding this interplay is essential for designing sustainable, culturally embedded anti-corruption frameworks that resonate with Ghanaian values and lived realities.

This chapter presents the results of the empirical analysis carried out to identify Ghana’s dominant cultural dimensions and to examine how these cultural characteristics influence perceptions of corruption. The analysis reflects the study’s mixed-methods approach, beginning with qualitative findings from the interview phase and proceeding to the quantitative results from the national survey. The qualitative component provides culturally grounded insights into how corruption is understood and expressed within Ghanaian society, forming the basis for the development of the measurement items used in the quantitative phase.

The quantitative analysis, conducted using Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling (PLS-SEM), evaluates both the measurement and structural models. This includes assessing the reliability and validity of the cultural and corruption constructs, testing the hypothesized relationships between the GLOBE cultural dimensions and corruption perception, and examining the moderating effects of age and political activity. Descriptive statistics, model estimates, and hypothesis-testing outcomes are presented and interpreted to provide a clear understanding of the patterns within the data.

There are two main stages involved in structural equation modelling: the measurement model analysis and structural model analysis ([28]).

This study’s conceptual model is made up of national culture as second-order formative construct and its nine dimensions as first-order constructs with reflective indicators. Also, corruption was modelled as a second-order formative construct having five dimensions as first-order constructs with reflective indicators.

The measurement model, which describes the relationships between the latent variables (culture and perception of corruption) and their measures, was analysed using the Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling (PLS-SEM) (SmartPLS: 4.0) ([28]). The processes involve the assessment of the psychometric properties of the scales, which include convergent validity and discriminant validity.

The initial measurement test showed that some items under some of the reflective constructs had low (<0.50) loadings; therefore, in line with [28], they were omitted, thus leaving only items with significant factor loadings in the model. The revised measurement model is shown in Figure 1 and Figure 2, while Table 1 provides details of the item loadings and bootstrap t-values.

As shown in Figure 1 and Figure 2, the validated dimensions of national culture evident in Ghana can be viewed through nine distinct lenses: uncertainty avoidance, assertiveness, gender egalitarianism, performance orientation, humane orientation, in-group collectivism, institutional collectivism, power distance, and future orientation.

Among these dimensions, the most dominant cultural attribute among Ghanaians is future orientation (β = 0.193, t = 24.530, p < 0.001), followed by in-group collectivism (β = 0.161, t = 21.611, p < 0.001), uncertainty avoidance (β = 0.156, t = 22.716, p < 0.001), humane orientation (β = 0.150, t = 18.118, p < 0.001), assertiveness (β = 0.147, t = 18.481, p < 0.001), institutional collectivism (β = 0.145, t = 22.173, p < 0.001), power distance (β = 0.142, t = 17.184, p = 0.001), performance orientation (β = 0.141, t = 18.117, p = 0.001), and gender egalitarianism (β = 0.105, t = 12.80, p < 0.001). Table 1 presents a detailed analysis of individual cultural dimensions and their respective measurement items.

Source: Field data (2025).

Figure 1. Measurement model analysis of the path diagram—path coefficients.

Source: Field data (2025).

Figure 2. Measurement model analysis of the path diagram—t-values.

Table 1. Construct and item loading.

All the t-values are significant at p.

The most dominant cultural dimension identified in this study is future orientation. This dimension is strongly represented by the indicators “plan ahead” (FO1; loading = 0.845) (FO1), “planned well in advance” (FO3; loading = 0.814), and “plan for the future” (FO2; loading = 0.781). The approximate mean value of 3 suggests that individuals in Ghanaian society generally prioritize future planning and long-term perspectives.

In-group collectivism, the second most prevalent cultural dimension in Ghana, is evidenced by several key indicators. “Children taking pride in the individual accomplishments of their parents” (IDC1; loading = 0.826), “parents taking pride in the individual accomplishments of their children” (IDC2; loading = 0.817), and “being accepted by other members of a group” (IDC3; loading = 0.545). These indicators, with an approximate mean value of 3, reflect the degree to which individuals in Ghanaian society express pride, loyalty, and interdependence within their families and group members.

Uncertainty avoidance, the third most recognized cultural dimension among Ghanaians, is explained by “requirements and instructions being spelled out in detail so that citizens know what they should do” (UA3; loading = 0.809), “the society having rules or laws to cover” (UA4; loading = 0.727), and “orderliness and consistency being stressed, even at the expense of experimentation and innovation” (UA1; loading = 0.679). The approximate mean value of 3 reflects the extent to which individuals in Ghanaian society endorse practices within the societal framework to avoid uncertainty, often at the expense of experimentation and in favour of strict rules and strong legislation.

Humane orientation, the fourth most endorsed cultural dimension among Ghanaians, is explained by “people generally being very friendly” (HO; loading = 0.836), “people being generally concerned about others” (HO1; loading = 0.796), and “people being generally generous” (HO5; loading = 0.639). The approximate mean value of 3 reflects the extent to which individuals in Ghanaian society generally accept practices of showing support for human beings, including caring, generosity, concern, and friendliness toward others.

Assertiveness, the fifth most endorsed cultural dimension among Ghanaians, is explained by “people generally being assertive” (ASS2; loading = 0.772), “people generally being dominant” (ASS3; loading = 0.756), and “people generally being tough” (ASS4; loading = 0.638). The approximate mean value of 3 reflects the degree to which individuals in Ghanaian society are encouraged to be tough, dominant, and assertive.

Institutional collectivism, the sixth most endorsed cultural dimension among Ghanaians, is explained by “the importance of individuals in the group being accepted by other members of a group” (IC3; loading = 0.814), “the value of group cohesion as against individualism” (IC4; loading = 0.716), and “leaders of the society encouraging group loyalty even if individual goals suffer” (IC1; loading = 0.648). The approximate mean value of 3 reflects the extent to which Ghanaian society generally encourages and rewards collective action.

Power distance, the seventh most endorsed cultural dimension among Ghanaians, is explained by “the special privileges one is entitled to due to rank and position in the hierarchy” (PD4; loading = 0.794), “people in positions of power increasing their distance from the less powerful individuals rather than decreasing it” (PD; loading = 0.726), and “followers obeying their leaders without questioning” (PD2; loading = 0.720). The approximate mean value of 3 reflects the extent to which Ghanaian society generally accepts and endorses authority, power differences, and status privileges.

Performance orientation, the eighth most endorsed cultural dimension among Ghanaians, is explained by “society’s encouragement of teenage students to strive for continuously improved performance” (PO1; loading = 0.763), “the extent of reward for being innovative to improve performance” (PO3; loading = 0.744), and “the factors on which society’s major rewards are based, with a preference for performance effectiveness” (PO2; loading = 0.713). The approximate mean value of 3 reflects the degree to which Ghanaian society generally encourages and rewards individuals and groups for high performance.

Gender egalitarianism, the ninth most endorsed cultural dimension among Ghanaians, is explained by “how physical people generally are in the society” (GE4; loading = 0.757), “the level of emphasis laid on athletic programs for boys as against girls” (GE2; loading = 0.638) with a factor loading of 0.638, and “how much worse it is for boys to fail in school as against girls” (GE3; loading = 0.611).

The approximate mean value of 3 reflects the extent to which role differences between genders are generally maximized in Ghanaian society. These dimensions collectively contribute to a societal framework that values planning for the future, strong community bonds, stability, compassion, and assertiveness, which are essential for navigating the complexities of Ghanaian life.

National Culture

Table 2 presents the descriptive statistics for the measured dimensions of the culture construct. The mean values of the dimensions range between 3.437 (±1.297) and 2.809 (±1.323), indicating that all the cultural dimensions were accepted by the respondents, as the mean scores were below the neutral point (4). This suggests a general endorsement of the cultural dimensions among the respondents. The results imply that the nine validated cultural dimensions (uncertainty avoidance, assertiveness, gender egalitarianism, performance orientation, humane orientation, in-group collectivism, institutional collectivism, power distance, and future orientation) are perceived as traits of the cultural landscape in Ghana. The acceptance of these dimensions reflects their relevance and integration into the societal fabric.

Additionally, the lower standard deviation value of approximately 1.3 across all nine cultural dimensions indicates a high level of consistency in the respondents’ answers. This consistency suggests that the mean values are a reliable representation of the respondents’ perceptions and accurately reflect the cultural traits in Ghana. The standard deviation values reinforce the validity of the data, implying that the cultural dimensions are uniformly perceived by the participants. Overall, the descriptive statistics underscore the significance of these cultural dimensions in Ghanaian society, highlighting their role in shaping social norms and behaviours. The consistency in responses further validates the robustness of the measurement model analysis, confirming that the identified cultural dimensions are integral to understanding the cultural context of Ghana.

Table 2 presents the descriptive statistics for the measured dimensions of the corruption construct. The mean values for the dimensions range between 2.482 (±1.270) and 2.315 (±1.200), indicating that all the dimensions of corruption were acknowledged by the respondents, as the mean scores were below the neutral point (4). This suggests a consensus among respondents on the existence and relevance of these corruption dimensions in Ghana. The results indicate that the validated dimensions of corruption, as identified during the measurement model analysis, include public betrayal-based corruption, inducement-based corruption, abuse of power-based corruption, public rule-violation-based corruption, and unethical-based corruption. These forms of corruption are recognized as significant and prevalent issues within the Ghanaian context. Furthermore, the relatively low standard deviation values, approximately 1.2 across all five corruption dimensions, suggest a high level of consistency in the respondents’ answers. This consistency implies that the mean values are a reliable reflection of the respondents’ perceptions, indicating that these corruption dimensions are uniformly perceived by the participants. The findings highlight the critical aspects of corruption in Ghana, emphasizing the multifaceted nature of corrupt practices as understood by the respondents. The consistency in responses reinforces the robustness of the measurement model, confirming that the identified dimensions provide an accurate and comprehensive representation of corruption in Ghana. Overall, the descriptive statistics underscore the importance of addressing these specific forms of corruption, as they are widely recognized and agreed upon by the respondents. This agreement highlights the need for targeted interventions and policies to mitigate these corruption dimensions and promote integrity within Ghanaian society.

Table 2. Descriptive statistics.

Source: Field data (2025).

Construct Normality Test

In this section, normality test was conducted. The purpose of the normality test is to determine the appropriate data analysis procedure to use to test the conceptual model, as shown in Table 3. All the constructs had skewness and kurtosis within the recommended cut-off point of −1.5 and 1.6 for skewness, and less than 2.7 for kurtosis in accordance with [22], however, a more rigorous test using Kolmogorov-Smirnov tests and Shapiro-Wilk test in accordance with [28] showed that all the Kolmogorov-Smirnov and Shapiro-Wilk test values were statistically significant, thus showing significant nonnormality of data distribution. According to [46], the distribution of data has no effect on partial least squares structural equation modelling. Alternative techniques include OLS regression and covariance-based SEM methods (AMOS and LISREL, MPLUS), but these methods require multivariate normality of the residuals of the dependent variables or very large sample sizes to be used.

Table 3. Normality diagnostics of latent variables.

***p < 0.001. Source: Field data (2025).

Using Pearson bivariate correlations, this section evaluates the relationships that exist between the variables in the research model without controlling for each other. As shown in Table 4, all the inter-construct correlations were all positive and significant with the exception of the relationship between performance orientation and inducement-based corruption and that of abuse of power-based corruption. Furthermore, all of the relationships between the constructs were low to moderate with the highest correlation being 0.72, which is the correlation between public betrayal-based corruption and inducement-based and between public betrayal-based corruption and abuse of power-based corruption. Therefore, there is no multicollinearity problem.

To test the hypothesis of the study, a structural model was formulated in line with the study’s conceptual model. The national culture construct was computed using the latent scores derived from the nine dimensions of national culture, including uncertainty avoidance, assertiveness, gender egalitarianism, performance orientation, humane orientation, in-group collectivism, institutional collectivism, power distance, and future orientation.

Table 4. Correlation matrix.

**p < 0.01; *p < 0.05 (two-tail test). Source: Field data (2021).

Also, corruption construct was computed using the latent scores derived from the five antecedents of corruption, including public betrayal-based corruption, inducement-based corruption, abuse of power-based corruption, public rule violation-based corruption, and unethical-based corruption. The gender variable was converted into dummy where 0 = female and 1 = Male. The relationship between the latent constructs in the model is explained by the inner or structural model ([28]). It is therefore necessary to assess the structural model for the importance of the inner paths after assessing the measurement model. Consequently, a structural model was formulated by examining the effect of national culture on corruption and moderated by demographic and social variables such as gender, age, education, income, family size, tenure of service, and political activeness. The structural models showing both regression weights and t-values are presented below in Figure 3 and Figure 4 respectively.

Hypothesis Testing

To find answers to the third objective of the study, eight hypotheses were formulated in line with the study’s conceptual model:

H1:The cultural practices of Ghanaians influence their perception of corruption.

H2a:Gender moderates the effect of culture on perception of corruption such that the effect is stronger among males than females.

H2b:Age moderates the effect of culture on perception of corruption such that the effect is stronger among older Ghanaians than younger ones.

H2c:Active party politics participation moderates the effect of culture on perception of corruption such that the effect is stronger among Ghanaians engaged in active politics than those who are not.

Source: Field data (2025).

Figure 3. Structural model showing regression weights.

Source: Field data (2025).

Figure 4. Structural model showing t-values.

H2d:Income level moderates the effect of culture on perception of corruption such that the effect is stronger on Ghanaians with lower income levels than those with higher income levels.

H2e: Family size moderates the effect of culture on perception of corruption such that the effect is stronger on Ghanaians with large family size than those with smaller family size.

H2f:Level of education moderates the effect of culture on perception of corruption such that the effect is stronger on Ghanaians with higher education than those with lower education.

H2g:Number of years served in office moderates the effect of culture on Ghanaian perception of corruption.

Following the outcome of the structural model test, the results of the hypotheses have been summarized as shown in Table 5 below. The specific hypotheses test results are explained as follows: H1: The cultural practices of Ghanaians influence their perception of corruption. The analysis revealed a significant positive relationship between national culture and citizens’ perceptions of corruption (β = 0.203, t = 2.992, p =0.003). This indicates that national culture positively influences Ghanaian perceptions of corruption, suggesting that elements of typical Ghanaian culture play a substantial role in shaping these perceptions. Consequently, Hypothesis H1 is supported in this context.

H2a:Gender moderates the effect of culture on perception of corruption such that the effect is stronger among males than females.

The interaction between gender and national culture did not exhibit a significant influence on the perception of corruption (β = −0.009, t = 0.114, p = 0.909). This indicates that gender does not significantly interact with national culture in shaping individual perceptions of corruption. Consequently, hypothesis H2a is not supported in this context.

H2b:Age moderates the effect of culture on Ghanaian perception of corruption such that the effect is stronger among older Ghanaians than younger ones.

The interaction between age and national culture significantly influences Ghanaians’ perception of corruption (β = 0.096, t = 2.004, p < 0.05). This finding supports hypothesis H2b, indicating that the effect of national culture on perceptions of corruption is stronger among older Ghanaians compared to younger ones. Specifically, older Ghanaians (age above 40 years) exhibit a stronger perception of corruption than their younger counterparts (age below 40 years).

Figure 5 illustrates the positive moderation effect of age on the relationship between national culture and corruption perception. The graph shows that the lines for the two age groups intersect, providing evidence of moderation. The positive moderation is evident as the perception of corruption among older Ghanaians (represented by the dotted line) increases, while that among younger Ghanaians (represented by the solid line) decreases. This intersection highlights the differential impact of national culture on corruption perception across different age groups, emphasizing the stronger influence on older adults.

Table 5. Structural paths showing hypothesis test results.

**p < 0.01; *p < 0.05. Source: Field data (2025).

Figure 5. Moderation slope showing a positive moderation effect of age on national culture and perception of corruption.

H2c:Active party politics participation moderates the effect of culture on perception of corruption such that the effect is stronger among Ghanaians engaged in active politics than those who are not.

The analysis demonstrates a significant positive interaction effect between active political participation and national culture on perceptions of corruption (β = 0.283, t = 3.289, p = 0.001). Therefore, hypothesis H2c is supported within this context. This finding indicates that the influence of national culture on perceptions of corruption is more pronounced among Ghanaians who are actively involved in politics than among those who are not.

The moderation slope illustrated in Figure 6 further explains this positive moderating effect. As shown in Figure 6, the lines representing Ghanaians engaged in active politics (dotted line) and those not engaged (solid line) intersect, providing visual evidence of moderation. The positive moderation is evident as the perceptions of corruption among politically active Ghanaians increase, while those among non-politically active Ghanaians decrease.

Figure 6. Moderation slope showing a positive moderation effect of active politics participation on national culture and perception of corruption.

H2d:Income level moderates the effect of culture on perception of corruption such that the effect is stronger on Ghanaians with lower income levels than those with higher income levels. The analysis indicated that the interaction between income level and national culture was not found to have a significant impact on the perception of corruption (β = −0.067, t = 1.170, p = 0.242). This indicates that income level does not significantly interact with national culture in shaping individuals’ perceptions of corruption. Consequently, hypothesis H2d is not supported within the context of this study.

H2e:Family size moderates the effect of culture on Ghanaian perception of corruption such that the effect is stronger on Ghanaians with large family size than those with smaller family size. The analysis of the interaction between family size and national culture on the perception of corruption yielded a non-significant effect (β = −0.014, t = 0.310, p = 0.757). These results indicate that family size does not significantly moderate the relationship between national culture and perceptions of corruption in the Ghanaian context. Consequently, Hypothesis H2e is not supported by the data.

H2f:Level of education moderates the effect of culture on Ghanaian perception of corruption such that the effect is stronger with Ghanaians with higher level of education than those with lower level of education.

The analysis revealed that the interaction between the level of education and national culture did not have a significant effect on Ghanaian perceptions of corruption (β = −0.036, t = 0.765, p = 0.444). This indicates that education does not interact with culture to influence the perception of corruption among Ghanaians. Therefore, Hypothesis H2f is not supported.

H2g:Number of years served in office moderates the effect of culture on Ghanaian perception of corruption.

The analysis revealed that the interaction between number of years served in office and national culture did not have a significant effect on Ghanaian perceptions of corruption (β = −0.078, t = 1.463, p= 0.144). This indicates that number of years served in office does not interact with culture to influence the perception of corruption among Ghanaians. Therefore, Hypothesis H2g is not supported.

To determine which dimensions of national culture significantly influence the Ghanaian perception of corruption, we re-examined the structural model with the Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling (PLS-SEM). The results of this analysis are presented as shown in Figure 7 and Figure 8 and summarized in Table 6 below. The analysis revealed several significant determinants of the perception of corruption. In-group collectivism (β = 0.220, t = 3.868, p = 0.000), gender egalitarianism (β = 0.162, t = 3.332, p = 0.001), and power distance (β = 0.138, t = 2.986, p = 0.003) were found to be positive and statistically significant in explaining the perception of corruption in Ghanaian context. Conversely, performance orientation significantly reduced the perception of corruption (β = −0.178, t = 3.142, p = 0.002). These results provide empirical support for hypotheses H1f, H1c, H1h, and H1d. However, the remaining five dimensions which include uncertainty avoidance (β = −0.026, t = 0.465, p = 0.642), humane orientation (β = 0.0.037, t = 0.752, p = 0.452), institutional collectivism (β = 0.084, t = 1.611, p = 0.107), assertiveness (β = −0.070, t = 1.358, p = 0.175), and future orientation(β = 0.064, t = 1.271, p = 0.204) were statistically not significant in explaining the perception of corruption within the Ghanaian context. Therefore, the hypotheses related to these dimensions (H1a, H1b, H1e, H1h, and H1g) were not supported. Ghanaian culture can therefore be examined through the lens of all nine GLOBE cultural dimensions; however, only four of these dimensions (in-group collectivism, gender

Figure 7. Determinants of perception of corruption—regression weights.

Figure 8. Determinants of perception of corruption—t-values.

Table 6. Mean, STDEV, t-values, p-values (determinants of corruption).

Source: Field data (2022).

egalitarianism, power distance, and performance orientation) significantly influence the level of corruption perception among Ghanaians. The remaining five dimensions (uncertainty avoidance, humane orientation, institutional collectivism, assertiveness, and future orientation) do not significantly contribute to the perception of corruption within the Ghanaian context.

Consequently, the structural model of the study findings was respecified by removing non-significant paths and the revised model is presented in Figure 9 below.

Source: Author’s fieldwork (2022).

Figure 9. Conceptual model of culture & corruption.

This study examined how Ghana’s dominant cultural dimensions shape citizens’ perceptions of corruption using the GLOBE cultural framework. The findings confirm that corruption perception is significantly influenced by cultural values, supporting the argument that corruption is not merely a governance failure but also a socially constructed phenomenon embedded in cultural norms ([29]). Specifically, in-group collectivism, gender egalitarianism, power distance, and performance orientation emerged as key determinants of how corruption is interpreted within the Ghanaian context. Additionally, demographic factors such as age and political participation moderated these relationships, indicating that cultural effects on corruption perception vary across social groups.

The significant influence of in-group collectivism aligns with prior studies, which suggest that collectivist societies tend to prioritize loyalty to family and close social networks over impersonal institutional rules ([30]). In the Ghanaian context, where extended family systems and communal ties are deeply entrenched, individuals may view practices such as nepotism and favouritism as socially acceptable obligations rather than corrupt acts ([31]). This supports the argument that corruption is often normalized within relational networks where social expectations override formal ethical standards ([31]; [32]).

The positive relationship between power distance and corruption perception is also consistent with existing literature. High power distance cultures tend to accept hierarchical authority and unequal distribution of power, which can create environments where abuse of office is less likely to be questioned ([48]; [33]). In Ghana, respect for authority and traditional leadership structures may reinforce acceptance of privilege and discretionary power, thereby shaping how corruption is perceived ([34]).

Conversely, performance orientation was found to significantly reduce corruption perception, supporting studies that link merit-based systems with lower tolerance for corrupt practices. When societal rewards are based on achievement and competence rather than relational ties, the justification for corrupt behaviour is weakened. Similarly, the positive influence of gender egalitarianism aligns with findings that more inclusive and equitable societies tend to exhibit stronger ethical norms and lower tolerance for corruption ([35]; [36]).

A key contribution of this study is the contrasting finding between in-group collectivism and institutional collectivism. While in-group collectivism significantly influenced corruption perception, institutional collectivism did not. This distinction is consistent with the argument that collectivism operates differently at interpersonal and institutional levels ([37]).

In-group collectivism reflects strong loyalty to family and close networks, which are central to Ghanaian social organization. As noted in previous studies, such relational obligations often encourage practices like favouritism and patronage, which may be culturally justified despite conflicting with formal rules ([38]). This explains why in-group collectivism has a significant effect on corruption perception, as individuals are more likely to interpret actions through the lens of social obligation rather than legal standards.

In contrast, institutional collectivism refers to the extent to which formal systems promote collective action and shared responsibility. The non-significant effect observed in this study suggests that formal institutions in Ghana may not strongly shape individuals’ interpretations of corruption. This finding aligns with studies that highlight weak institutional trust and limited enforcement capacity in many African contexts, where informal networks often take precedence over formal governance structures ([39]). As a result, corruption perception is more strongly influenced by interpersonal relationships than by institutional norms.

The moderating role of age and political participation further enriches the analysis. The finding that age strengthens the relationship between culture and corruption perception is consistent with research suggesting that older individuals are more deeply socialized into prevailing cultural norms and therefore more likely to interpret corruption through culturally embedded frameworks ([40]).

Similarly, the significant moderating effect of political participation supports studies indicating that individuals who are actively engaged in political processes are more exposed to institutional dynamics and are therefore more sensitive to cultural influences on governance practices ([41]). This suggests that political engagement amplifies the extent to which cultural values shape perceptions of corruption.