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  <front>
    <journal-meta>
      <journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">Oalib</journal-id>
      <journal-title-group>
        <journal-title>Open Access Library Journal</journal-title>
      </journal-title-group>
      <issn pub-type="epub">2333-9721</issn>
      <issn pub-type="ppub">2333-9705</issn>
      <publisher>
        <publisher-name>Scientific Research Publishing</publisher-name>
      </publisher>
    </journal-meta>
    <article-meta>
      <article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.4236/oalib.1113676</article-id>
      <article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">Oalib-148350</article-id>
      <article-categories>
        <subj-group>
          <subject>Article</subject>
        </subj-group>
        <subj-group>
          <subject>Biomedical</subject>
          <subject>Life Sciences</subject>
          <subject>Business</subject>
          <subject>Economics</subject>
          <subject>Chemistry</subject>
          <subject>Materials Science</subject>
          <subject>Computer Science</subject>
          <subject>Communications</subject>
          <subject>Earth</subject>
          <subject>Environmental Sciences</subject>
          <subject>Engineering</subject>
          <subject>Medicine</subject>
          <subject>Healthcare</subject>
          <subject>Physics</subject>
          <subject>Mathematics</subject>
          <subject>Social Sciences</subject>
          <subject>Humanities</subject>
        </subj-group>
      </article-categories>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>The Luo People of South Sudan Theories of Origin, Separation and Development of the Governance Systems</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <name name-style="western">
            <surname>Mading</surname>
            <given-names>Samuel Jock Bany</given-names>
          </name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
      </contrib-group>
      <aff id="aff1"><label>1</label> Department of History and Culture, College of Education, Dr. John Garang Memorial University of Science and Technology, Bor, South Sudan </aff>
      <author-notes>
        <fn fn-type="conflict" id="fn-conflict">
          <p>The author declares no conflicts of interest.</p>
        </fn>
      </author-notes>
      <pub-date pub-type="epub">
        <day>01</day>
        <month>12</month>
        <year>2025</year>
      </pub-date>
      <pub-date pub-type="collection">
        <month>12</month>
        <year>2025</year>
      </pub-date>
      <volume>12</volume>
      <issue>12</issue>
      <fpage>1</fpage>
      <lpage>19</lpage>
      <history>
        <date date-type="received">
          <day>27</day>
          <month>05</month>
          <year>2025</year>
        </date>
        <date date-type="accepted">
          <day>23</day>
          <month>12</month>
          <year>2025</year>
        </date>
        <date date-type="published">
          <day>26</day>
          <month>12</month>
          <year>2025</year>
        </date>
      </history>
      <permissions>
        <copyright-statement>© 2025 by the authors and Scientific Research Publishing Inc.</copyright-statement>
        <copyright-year>2025</copyright-year>
        <license license-type="open-access">
          <license-p> This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license ( <ext-link ext-link-type="uri" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</ext-link> ). </license-p>
        </license>
      </permissions>
      <self-uri content-type="doi" xlink:href="https://doi.org/10.4236/oalib.1113676">https://doi.org/10.4236/oalib.1113676</self-uri>
      <abstract>
        <p>The article is a description of theories of origin, migration and development of the Luo people’s governing system of kingdoms and chiefdoms in South Sudan and Eastern Africa. The narrative aims to highlight the traditional beliefs of the historical background which will be led by three questions: who are the Luo people, and where did they use to live? What caused their separation and migrations and where have they ended up today? What kind of governing system controls their affairs today? The article also explains briefly the influences of the Luo people throughout the history of South Sudan and the East African communities, and their influence internally, regionally and globally.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group kwd-group-type="author-generated" xml:lang="en">
        <kwd>Luo</kwd>
        <kwd>Bahr El-Ghjazal</kwd>
        <kwd>Nam</kwd>
        <kwd>Dimo</kwd>
        <kwd>Gilo</kwd>
        <kwd>Nyikango</kwd>
        <kwd>Achol</kwd>
        <kwd>South Sudan</kwd>
        <kwd>East Africa</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec1">
      <title>1. Introduction</title>
      <p>The article is a narrative theoretical of historical background perspective for the origin of the Luo people of South Sudan and some parts of Eastern Africa [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B1">1</xref>]. The article explains with descriptive methods the origin homeland for the Luo people, where they used to inhabit, where they went to and how they go [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>].</p>
      <p>The article also discusses briefly some reasons that caused the separation of the Luo family, and how these separations led to the establishment of kingdoms especially; <italic><bold>Cholo</bold></italic><bold>(</bold><italic><bold>Shiluk</bold></italic><bold>)</bold> and <bold>Anyuak</bold><bold>(</bold><bold>Anywaa</bold><bold>).</bold>There will be a brief discussion on some Luo families beyond South Sudan boundaries, how they go and their impacts over the history of 500 years [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>].</p>
      <p>The article is narrating theories of routes taken by the Luo people during their migration from their homeland to where they inhabit today. The article sets certain examination questions: Who are the Luo people? Where was their homeland? How did they settle in where they are today? What impact did they play in the region at large?</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec2">
      <title>2. The Origin of Luo People</title>
      <p>The Luo people of South Sudan and Eastern Africa, are part of the large group of the Western Nilotic family (See <xref ref-type="fig" rid="fig1">Figure 1</xref><xref ref-type="fig" rid="fig1">Figure 1</xref>), or the Nilo-Saharan as some historians prefer to call them. The Western Nilotic here is a group categorized into three clusters: (Dinka-Nuer, Luo speaking, and the Maban people) with many subdivisions of clans [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B5">5</xref>]. The term Western Nilotic, however, has two opinions. The first meaning could be referring to being in the western Nile in central Africa, after their migration from the northern Sudan. In this perspective, other Nilotic groups have migrated through the eastern bank, and are called Eastern Nilotic [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>]. The second reason could mean the settlement location which they had inhabited in the western White Nile, and particularly in the area of western Lake No Basin, where from there, other migrations have occurred [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B1">1</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>]. </p>
      <fig id="fig1">
        <label>Figure 1</label>
        <graphic xlink:href="https://html.scirp.org/file/1113676-rId15.jpeg?20260114090858" />
      </fig>
      <p><xref ref-type="fig" rid="fig1">Figure 1</xref><bold>.</bold>Western Nilotic family tree perspective.</p>
      <p>From a migration perspective, some scholars believe that the Western Nilotic group started to settle in the current area of South Sudan in the period around 1000 AD [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B5">5</xref>]. Other scholars assumed that, they had fully settled around 1300 AD [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>]. All in all, the different periods of 200 years of history migration and settlement were part of social development, and the settlement covered the whole areas around the northwestern bank of Bahr-Jebel and the whole Bahr El-Gahzal (Nam) river [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>]. While their population and domestic animals were increasing, internal conflicts occurred [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B5">5</xref>]. These made some of them cross to the eastern bank of White Nile in search of better opportunities [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>]. The second settlement areas were the Sobat, Baro, Pibor and Gilo rivers basins [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>]. The internal migrations continued southwards, and defections which created independent groups like Atuot who became half Nuer and half Dink occurred. The group of Maban people also split off, contained themselves in north-eastern Upper Nile, changed their name from Burun, and adopted the area’s name Maban and became an independent entity with a total different culture [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>]. Thus, the majority of the Western Nilotic (Jieng-Dinka) and the (Naath-Nuer) remained in the Nile Basin regions of Bahr El-Ghazal and the Upper Nile as cattle herders, with crop cultivation, fishing and hunting as a supporting.</p>
      <p>The Luo people traditional stories say that they originated from three brothers and their sister, all born to a couple; the father’s name was Okwa and his wife was called Nyakiir. Another opinion says, they were having a half-brother calls Uthieno who was the elder [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>]. But due to a lack of clear information, this writing will not bother to explain. However, the three siblings, Nyikango, Dimo and Gilo plus their sister Achol, formed the communities of: Chollo (Shiluk) of <italic><bold>Nyikango</bold></italic>, Jurchol (Jo-Luo of Bahr El-Ghazal) of Dimo, the Anywaa (Anyuak) of <italic><bold>Gilo</bold></italic> and the Acholi groups of their sister <bold>Acho</bold>l [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B1">1</xref>]<sup>1</sup>. </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec3">
      <title>3. The Luo People Origin Home Land</title>
      <p>Scholars believe that, the Luo people come from a homeland called (<italic>Wi-Pan</italic><italic>Dwong</italic>, or <italic>Wi-Pac</italic><italic>Dwong</italic><italic>)</italic> meaning<italic>,</italic>the largest deserted homeland [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>]. The area assumed to be the current western plain of <italic><bold>Lake-No</bold></italic> basin, where the great separation of the whole family broke off [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B1">1</xref>]-[<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>]. The traditional stories say that the Luo people used to live along the <bold>Nam River</bold> before its name changed into Bahr El-Ghazal in 19<sup>th</sup> century by the Turko-Egyptian condominium rule which conquered Sudan in 1821, and the first white men reached the area in 1840 [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B6">6</xref>].</p>
      <p>The name Bahr El-Ghazal which was originally taken from the Arabic language was designated to the largest river of western South Sudan with a wide and plain swampy basin. Hence, the entire region comprises the current four states: Lakes, Warap, Northern Bahr El-Ghazal and Western Bahr El-Ghazal, previously, used to be called Province. The river loses its Arabic name when it reaches Unity State toward Lake No, and the local indigenous people are still keeping the original name <bold>Nam</bold>which is from the Luo language [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>]. This means that the Luo group lived first in the plateau areas of the Nile basin northwest to the southwest. Furthermore, the area defined as a flooding plain with a gallery forest Savanna zone; the exact areas have been experiencing massive flooding [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B7">7</xref>].</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec4">
      <title>4. The Root Causes of Luo Separations</title>
      <p>There is a basic question: what happened in the area and how did the Luo family separate? The oral and traditional stories described the root causes of separation into two opinions; the first story tells of a power struggle among the Luo leaders as stated by [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B1">1</xref>]-[<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B8">8</xref>]. Accordingly, the conflict erupted when Diwat, the legendary half-brother of Nyikango succeeded their father Okwa as the king of Nyikango who was feeling that his eligibility and capability had been disappointed. This means, he and the upcoming descendants of all his family will remain out of the royal throne and political line forever. Therefore, Nyikango decided to migrate at night together with a few adherents and two cousins, Dimo and Gilo [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>]. </p>
      <p>This indicates that the Luo is a big family, but has been separated and the majority have migrated out of South Sudan. Amazingly, the story puts Dimo and Gilo as cousins to Nyikango not brothers. But the question will be: who is Diwat that succeeded their father Okwa? And where are his descendants and his Kingdom located today? The questions remain unanswered because Diwat descendants are supposed to be within the area of Bahr El-Ghazal after the migration of Nyikango and his siblings. I therefore, leave it as an academic gap to be filled by other researchers.</p>
      <p>The second story describes the famous quarrel that occurred between Nyikango and his brother Dimo. The traditional stories narrate that, once upon a time, Nyikango threw a spear belonging to Dimo at an elephant, and the wounded beast carried it away. Nyikango tried to compensate with a substitute spear to his brother Dimo, but the latter refused. As a result, Nyikango was forced to embark on a long, dangerous journey to find Dimo’s spear. Finally, he found it, but since that time, he carried vengeance towards him. With no time, one of Dimo’s sons swallowed Nyikango’s bead, which caused him to demand his original bead. There was no other way except to cut Dimo’s son’s stomach to extract the original bead of Nyikango [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B1">1</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B8">8</xref>]. </p>
      <p>The oral traditional stories through generations tell us that these were the essential reasons for the conflict between the two brothers which caused the final separation of the entire Luo family. The fact is that the separation of Nyikango from Dimo forced Gilo and his sister Achol as well to look for another direction [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B1">1</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>].</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec5">
      <title>5. The Nyikango Kingdom</title>
      <p>According to the traditional stories as supported by references, Nyikango and his son Dak, along with other followers went along the western White Nile toward the northwest [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>]. After defeating groups of Funj and Nuba they were given a name (Dhong), and they established the kingdom for Chollo (Shiluk). Thus, the <italic><bold>Reth (King) number Ten</bold></italic><bold>(10)</bold><italic><bold>Twongo</bold></italic><italic><bold>Dokwodh</bold></italic> who reigned in 1690-1710, believed that Fashoda<sup>2</sup> was the current permanent royal headquarters. The area was the first capital for Southern Sudan during the Turko-Egyptian period before Samuel Baker established Gondocoro [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B6">6</xref>]. The area continued to be important even for the El-mahdiyya government of 1881-1898, and for the French as well. For the importance of the area therefore, the British administration which invaded Sudan in 1898; Fashoda was the first area in the Southern Sudan occupied on 18<sup>th</sup> September 1898, by General Herbert Kitchener from France [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B1">1</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B8">8</xref>]. The British government recognized and honored the local system by moving away leaving Fashoda for the Chollo (Shiluk) kingdom affairs and established Kodok in 1903 as the headquarters of the government district [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B9">9</xref>]. </p>
      <p>The general beliefs indicate that Nyikango and his successors have just re-conquered the land their ancestors had lost to those nations being supported by the Arabs. The Turko-Egyptian rule in the 19<sup>th</sup> century followed by the Islamic fanatic government known as the Mahdist, is remembered as the worst rule ever in the Sudan. The Funj people as described, are probably responsible for the fact that, the powerful Shiluk kingdom is confined to the western bank of the Nile [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B5">5</xref>]. Hence, Nyikango and a series of his followers who substituted him managed to amalgamate the captives from Funj and other nations and assimilated them into the kingdom<sup>3</sup>. The assimilation scenarios continued to involve any other captives or migrants within the western Nilotic groups, like Jieng, and Naath, and from other ethnic groups into Cholo kingdom as well. Culturally and traditionally the assimilated people’s background is known among the Chollo, and are distinguished as: Kwa-Dhong, Kwa-Jieng, Kwa-Mwoi and so on, and this means the origin they were absorbed from. </p>
      <p>In the eastern bank of White Nile however, the Padang-Jieng also managed to push another group of Funj to the east. At this point, the two Western Nilotic societies, Chollo and Padang-Jieng, have settled and lived in harmony along both banks of the river, and formed a co-defense which enabled them to create long horn controlling both banks to the north, preventing the advancement of those foreigners. Their defenses point along the White Nile mark the international borders of South Sudan today (Renk and Manyo Counties). The two societies also remained resisting the slave-raiders through centuries as one of the thickest and strongest defensive powers. They managed to prevent the Arabs’ advancement to the south during the Funj Islamic kingdom up to 1820. Furthermore, they stood firm during the Turko-Egyptian condominium rule 1821-1885, and again during the El-Mahdi’s occupations, till they submitted to the Anglo-Egyptian condominium conquest in 1898 which recognized and honored them, and confirmed their system of governance. </p>
      <p>However, as we mentioned earlier, Nyikango was believed to be the historical father who developed a strong political organization and identity of the whole Luo people before other massive movements and separations took place. The Luo people in eastern Africa still speak much about his leadership influences. In the general history of Africa, the Shiluk kingdom, remained one of the oldest and famous for over five hundred years. The traditional stories emphasized that, the three brothers who had separated from each other continued their migration into different directions up to where they inhabit today [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>]. </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec6">
      <title>6. Challenges Faced by the Chollo Kingdom</title>
      <p>It’s clear in the South Sudan History that the kingdom of Chollo (Shiluk) along the White Nile River faced a lot of challenges. This was from the foreign invaders, starting with Arabs after their occupation of Funj and Kordofan countries. Without adequate leadership organization, the Chollo kingdom could not survive independently. In fact, the Mahdist from 1881-1898, waged many wars of raids against the kingdom to the level of replacing the kings, Islamizing them and changing their traditional names into Arabic. But the kingdom remained resisting till the era of the British which realized that, having a strong ruler submitting to the central government, means submission of the entire tribe to be governed on behalf. Therefore, Fashoda was the first ever headquarters in South Sudan established in the 19<sup>th</sup> century before Gondocoro. </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec7">
      <title>7. The Impact of Chollo Kingdom</title>
      <sec id="sec7dot1">
        <title>7.1. The Political Impact</title>
        <p>The kingdom had a political impact throughout the history of South Sudan. The very significant is the resistant of the foreign invaders like the Turko-Egyptian 1821-1881/5. The kingdom lost many souls being killed, and some of them were taken away for slavery. The same struggle continued against the Mahdist one of the worst Islamic governments ever 1881-1898<sup>4</sup>. For example, the period from 1870-1898 had a very negative effect upon the kingdom’s affairs because, the <italic><bold>Reth Number</bold></italic><bold>(23)</bold><italic><bold>Kwadhker</bold></italic><italic><bold>Akod</bold></italic> was removed and replaced by <italic><bold>Ajang</bold></italic><italic><bold>Nyidhok</bold></italic> who became the <italic><bold>Reth Number</bold></italic><bold>(24)</bold>. From that time, the entire kingdom lived under vulnerability at the hands of Arabs and Muslims who practiced slave raiding using firearms. The <italic><bold>Reth Number</bold></italic><bold>(25)</bold><italic><bold>Kwachkwon</bold></italic><italic><bold>Nyidhok</bold></italic> was assassinated in 1881 by the Mahdist in the Nuba Mountains [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B10">10</xref>]. The <italic><bold>Reth Number</bold></italic><bold>(26)</bold><italic><bold>Yor</bold></italic><italic><bold>Akwoch</bold></italic> was assassinated as well in 1892 by the same illicit power. Thus, the <italic><bold>Reth Number</bold></italic><bold>(27)</bold><italic><bold>Kur</bold></italic><italic><bold>Nyidhok</bold></italic> from 1892-1903 was forced to convert to Islam being the first and last Muslim king<sup>5</sup>.</p>
        <p>Being the headquarter of the Kingdom, the British administration ordered the evacuation of Fashoda for the Shiluk Royal, and moved the headquarter to Kodok in 1903, which was the last year for the king Kur Nyidhok. Since the period of the <italic><bold>Reth</bold></italic><italic><bold>Number</bold></italic><bold>(28)</bold><italic><bold>Padiet</bold></italic><italic><bold>Kwadhker</bold></italic>, up to the current <italic><bold>Reth number</bold></italic><bold>(34)</bold><italic><bold>Kwongo</bold></italic><italic><bold>Dak</bold></italic> from 1992, the kingdom witnessed stability participating in South Sudan political, educational, economic and social affairs. </p>
        <p>Since the breakout of the Sudanese first war in 1955 up to 2005, the Chollo kingdom was among the tribes with leading military troops, commanders and top politicians reaching the presidency of Sudan and South Sudan contesting, the secretariat of the movement and the ruling party, chief of general staff for the army and among others. There have been sons and daughters of the kingdom holding several high positions like ministers, state governors and county commissioners.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec7dot2">
        <title>7.2. The Spiritual Impact</title>
        <p>There are three major religions playing a role in spiritual formation in the Chollo kingdom affairs and they are: the African beliefs, Christianity and Islam. For example, the African religions have a direct link to the governance system especially the selection of the king, the ritual crowning process and procedural of bureaucratic management affairs. These impacts continue in people’s lives, believing that the appointment of the king and decisions being taken by him are directly coming from Nyikango whose spirit has dwelled and is living in him and overseeing the entire kingdom affairs. </p>
        <p>After the coming of the Western Christian missionaries, the Chollo community accepted Christianity individually, but not as a nation. The princes as well converted Christianity as well as some of them chose to be Muslims, but all have high respect for the entire kingdom’s rules, cultures, norms, and traditions. For example, some princes became church leaders in pastoral positions, while other siblings are Muslims and Sheikhs, but all have family harmony and respect for the kingdom norms. </p>
        <p>The Chollo spiritual leaders without mentioning any name; are well-known, highly theologically educated served in top positions of the; Presbyterian, Catholic, Sudan Interior, Episcopal, Pentecostal, Seventh-Days and Orthodox Churches. Several of them served in spiritual leadership being; a Moderator, Bishop, Secretary General for denomination, and for the Sudan Council of Churches, Secretary General for the Scripture Union (Bible Society), Principle and Academic Dean of a Theological College beside the basic Pastoral Ministry. All have a great significant of spiritual impact upon the kingdom development and their neighbors. </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec7dot3">
        <title>7.3. The Educational and Economic Impact</title>
        <p>Being an open community, the kingdom benefited from the three pioneered Christian missions; Catholic, Presbyterian and Sudan Interior in particular, and openness to the missions transformed the kingdom affairs. Therefore, when counting top educated tribes in South Sudan, Chollo kingdom scores between number one and three with the highest PhD holders. To the good surprise of every researcher, the current king number (34) Kwongo Dak is an economist with banking expertise in his career, very fluent in modern languages; English and Arabic reading and writing besides the Kingdom’s official language.</p>
        <p>It’s possible to mention the role played by the Chollo Kingdom sons and daughters in higher education. For example, the kingdom sons and daughters; being university vice chancellors, central bank governor, and top manager plus in private sector banking managing directors, tell-communications experts in top managing directors and others of high business people in the market places, was a result of openness and quick learning.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec7dot4">
        <title>7.4. What Do the Neighboring Say</title>
        <p>The neighboring tribes sharing in Upper Nile see that, the Chollo kingdom has a very limited financial contribution in term of taxes paying to the state or national government. Accordingly, the kingdom members of parliaments are only benefiting from other tribes income, because major collections from the three counties go to the kingdom. Hence, their financial contribution is a left-over of the local king, who’s in status of the paramount chief. </p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec8">
      <title>8. The Dimo Family</title>
      <p>There is a debate of who was the elder son among Nyakiir children? Some opinions say, Dimo was the elder son, while others believe that, Nyikango was the first born. Therefore, his migration forced other siblings to follow him. While other opinion says; Gilo was the elder, as a result, majority of the Luo people particularly their sister Achol went along with him. Other theory more acceptable says; Dimo was the elder followed by Nyikango who was stronger in his leadership capability and skills. Therefore, he decided to defect in order to establish his own kingdom. The opinion was supported by the following two factors: 1) Dimo was lacking strong character and leadership skills as a result; Nyikango could not tolerate to be under subordination. According to this belief, Dimo could not establish strong Kingdom in Bahr El-Ghazal with the same capacity of Nyikango and Gilo. 2) Dimo was not generous enough as the elder, and he could not forgive his sibling when the wild beast runs away with the spear. </p>
      <p>However, the Dimo families migrated westward and established their chiefdoms along Nam (Bahr El-Ghazal) River, amalgamating into their affairs other assimilated tribes. After coming of the colonial powers into the area, they adopted the designated Jieng (Dinka) name <italic><bold>Jur-Chol</bold></italic> for them, meaning black people, or black stranger. But recently, they re-adopted the general name (Luo) being the official in merge with the people in East Africa. </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec9">
      <title>9. The Impact of Dimo Family on South Sudan</title>
      <p>The family of Dimo went along the Nam River westward and established Wau<sup>6</sup>, later on became the capital of Bahr El-Ghazal region or province. The area faced lot of challenges especially with the Arab invaders since 19<sup>th</sup> century. Yet, it was the first area occupied by France as an extension of their Central African colonial territory till it was taken by the British in 1898 [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B9">9</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B10">10</xref>]. </p>
      <p>The Dimo family impact was clear in Sudan and South Sudan politics since 1950s and 1960s. There are many bright names in the history pioneered by Joseph Okel Garang the top senior member of the communist party till his execution by the President Nimeiry in 1971 [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B11">11</xref>]. Yet many military generals and in organized forces appeared particularly in liberation movements of; Anya-Nya and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army (SPLA/A). </p>
      <p>There are several Dimo descendants’ played big roles in Bahr El-Ghazal as a region and in the central government in Khartoum and South Sudan. Their impact appeared in heading a political party, being a national ministers, state governor, and county commissioner, Diplomats in Foreign Affairs and among others. Many have developed their high academic careers in tertiary education of professorship, university vice chancellorship, and college deanship and among others. In economic perspective, science and technology, there are many advanced with great contribution. In the spiritual development, their area was the best fertile enabled the Catholic mission to do great work to the level that, the biggest church allover South Sudan was built in Wau attached with education, vocational trainings and health services [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B12">12</xref>]. </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec10">
      <title>10. The Gilo Kingdom</title>
      <p>Gilo and Achol believed have followed Nyikango family from the beginning, but after reaching areas toward Sobat-White Nile confluence, they separated and crossed to the east. This is where new independent identity was created. The question is; why was Gilo leading majority of the Luo people if he was not the eldest? Many people believed that, Gilo, the youngest brother was wiser, generous and beloved by all. Therefore, he did not appear in the destructive quarrels between Dimo and Nyikango. According the Anywaa cultural stories, Gilo taught people <italic>Agem</italic> (the principles of justice) and <italic>Kwaro</italic> (the arts of leadership skills). Therefore, the rest of the Luo groups preferred to be with him after separation of Dimo and Nyikango. </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec11">
      <title>11. The Gilo and Achol Separation from Nyikango</title>
      <p>Like other Western Nilotic groups, the people of Gilo adopted the name Anywaa as people, but in plural is <italic><bold>Yai</bold></italic>, while the singular is Dhano. But the name Anywaa was adopted from their social life style which comes from the word “<italic><bold>Nywaak</bold></italic>” meaning sharing which is a common name or term with the same meaning among the Western Nilotic [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B13">13</xref>]. In other words, sharing together can include the joy and agony. The Anywaa are a people with their lives connected and depending on the river as stated by [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B14">14</xref>], fishing, cultivating and other related livelihoods. The story of the Anywaa kingdom has a lot of mythical theories. There are two famous stories with some differences in dimensions.</p>
      <p>The first story states that, once upon a time, two fisher brothers, quarreled over single fish they have just caught from the river. Each of them was claiming ownership of the fish. Suddenly, a strange man with his head covered with <italic><bold>Sedge</bold></italic> and had strings of four types of glittering beads tied round his neck and <italic><bold>Dimui</bold></italic> (beads) around his waist, also held a special type of spear. The boys were very surprised with the man and his decorations. He asked them for the reason of their quarrel. After they told him about the cause of argument, the stranger man told the two brothers that, whoever holds the head of the fish, was the owner. The story continued repeating itself between the two brothers while fishing, and the stranger man also appears and teaches them how to solve their own problems with application of justice. When the boys reported the issue to their relatives in the village, people decided to get the man, and they decided to meet him to know who he was. When they got him after great efforts of search, he revealed his name as Ocudho. Hence, they took him to their village where he taught them the laws and wisdom based on two things kwon in the Anywaa language by <italic><bold>Agem</bold></italic> (Justice) and <italic><bold>Kwor</bold></italic> (Rule) [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B13">13</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B14">14</xref>]. </p>
      <p>Hence, the two Principals Agem and Kwor became the foundational traditions established for conflict resolution among the Anywaa people. The stranger river man Ocudho begot a son called Gilo from Cuai’s daughter called Korie, and he disappeared before Gilo was born [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>]-[<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>]. Hence, Gilo became the first King to be installed in the Anywaa kingdom. This myth story create for us another problem, because, it denies brotherhood of Gilo to Nyikango, Dimo and Achol [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>].</p>
      <p>The second story describes the establishment of the Anywaa Kingdom that, Gilo was regarded as a powerful chief, but not a King [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B8">8</xref>]. He had a grandchild called Cuwai whom the Anywaa considered as their first sovereign King as described in the following story;</p>
      <p>“<italic>One day two</italic><italic>Anyuak</italic><italic>women caught a large fish, which on being seized turned first to snake, then crocodile and then man. This river man was taken to the house of Gilo, where he stayed until he gotten the younger daughter of Gilo with child, when he went back to the river</italic><sup>7</sup>.<italic>She gave birth to</italic><italic>Ucoda</italic><italic>, who returned to his father in the river. Later she brought forth</italic><italic>Cuwai</italic><italic>also by the river man., afterwards, recognized as the first king of the</italic><italic>Anyuak</italic>” [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>].</p>
      <p>However, the two stories explain the stages of social development and leadership style progress among the Anywaa people. But they are full with myth told like any other African stories. The two historians Seligman and Tasew are foreigners who have dug their information based on the Anywaa traditional methods. Yet, the contradiction which I realized in the two stories related to the river man <italic>Ocudho</italic> who begot a son called Gilo based on the first story. Accordingly, <italic>Ocudho</italic> became the first King for the Anywaa chieftaincy which established the kingship system [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B8">8</xref>]. </p>
      <p>The second theory which puts Gilo as a powerful chief, not a King; but that his grandchild <italic>Cuwai</italic> was the first sovereign King is more logical in terms of establishment of the kingdom. But, at the same time, having a river man with whom Gilo’s daughter got conceived is another problem within the same line of the Nilotic mythical and traditional stories [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>].</p>
      <p>However, the last opinion which places Gilo as grandfather of the entire Anywaa people, but has defected from his brothers; Dimo and Nyikango till he and his followers established and developed their own Kingdom remains the adequate logical idea. In this regards, Gilo felt the same mood of independency to establish his own identity which gave rise to the current Anywaa Kingdom. </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec12">
      <title>12. The Migration of Gilo and Achol Families</title>
      <p>The direction was taken by Gilo and Achol people have got other two theories; they did not remain in the western bank of Jebel-Whit Nile River. Hence, the direction they have taken was to cross into the eastern, and this is another point of discussion with many theories [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>].</p>
      <p>The first opinion says; they crossed the Jebel River and settled in the Zaraf valley. Obviously this happened before the current indigenous people the Naath-Nuer of; Lou, Thiang, Lak and Gawaar have yet crossed into. Accordingly, the Anywaa, after crossing to the east and settled Zaraf Valley area, they have faced series of serious climatic challenges of heavy floods which displaced them again and this is where another new and dispirited journey began [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>]. </p>
      <p>The second theory says they crossed after Jebel and Zaraf Rivers confluence. Therefore, they went along to the Sobat-Fuluth mouth and settled there. But the existence of Padang in the eastern bank of the White Nile prevented them from going northward. Therefore, they continued eastward along the Sobat. The Thoi-Jieng traditions tell about arrival of the Anyuaa at Fuluth valley on their way to the upper Sobat [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>]. Hence, while passing through, they raided and carried off large number of Thoi women and children into captivity [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>]. Now the unanswered question remained that, have they raided the Thoi while coming from the Zaraf valley or they have just crossed from the Jebel-Zaraf mouth? However, the period was about first half of middle of sixteenth century about 1530 AD when the Anywaa continued their migration to the Sobat [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>]. By then, the Cholo may have reached major parts of the present areas they inhabiting.</p>
      <p>However, the story explains that, while staying on the Sobat River, their population began to increase rapidly due to absorption of many captured foreigners. Suddenly, a heavy flooding occurred and caused significant damage in the productive land leading to the shortage of food and other resources. As a result, part of them broke off eastwards through the river banks searching for better homestead. But some of them preferred to remain dwelling along the Sobat, therefore, many areas like: Obel, Nagdiar, Abwong, Adong, Ulang, Nyiwom Cbefore named Nasser by the Turko-Egyptian) and others believed originated from the Anywaa. The traditional stories continually telling that, some broken clays are usually found in the areas along the Sobat during the rainy seasons. In support, the Anywaa migration continued gradually till they reached Baro salient and along the rivers of Pibor and Akobo confluence in late 18<sup>th</sup> century [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>]. </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec13">
      <title>13. The Anywaa Social Development and Internal Conflicts</title>
      <p>The Anywaa developed strong political organization similar to that of the Cholo of Nyikango [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>]. This gives good understanding about the period they have spent together before second separation. Accordingly, there were two categories in the Anywaa political system of governance. Each of them either led by <italic>Nyiya</italic> the King, or by <italic>Kwaro</italic> the chief [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B8">8</xref>]. The <italic>Ji-</italic><italic>Nyiye</italic> roots are assumed to have come from Gilo or Cuwai. But the <italic>Jo-</italic><italic>Kwari</italic> traced their lineages from three categories: 1) the followers of other Luos who have defected with Gilo from Nyikango. 2) The foreigners who were captured during the migration, and. 3) From the original indigenous of the Sobat. </p>
      <p>Thus, the ethnic category caused other internal level classes which developed into conflicts over power and equality treatment challenging stability of the Kingdom between the two groups of <italic>Ji-</italic><italic>Nyiye</italic> and <italic>Jo-</italic><italic>Kwari</italic> [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B8">8</xref>]<italic>.</italic> From there, each of them formed its own village, but within the <italic>Pach-</italic><italic>Anyuaa</italic> (the Anywaa land). The Leadership of the <italic>Ji-</italic><italic>Nyiye’s</italic> village was controlled by Prince called <italic>Nyipem</italic> who qualify for designation of sequences of traditional beads and other royal symbols. The <italic>Nyipem</italic> is always preferred to have been brought up in the village of his maternal uncles who initially are from <italic>Jo-</italic><italic>Kwari</italic>. This also was another source of continuous conflicts within the royal family because, each maternal uncles fight for their nephew to become the king. </p>
      <p>This system derived out some families who in turn became known as <italic>Jo-</italic><italic>Watong</italic> means people of the spear. The writings stated that, the <italic>Jo-</italic><italic>Watong</italic> later on lost their respect from the <italic>Ji-</italic><italic>Nyiye</italic> who continued boosting on them [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B8">8</xref>]. This led them to migrate elsewhere, or join the <italic>Jo-</italic><italic>Kwari</italic> in order to gain higher status and become their chiefs. The political succession of the chiefs used to be conducted by an able man of the village known as <italic>Jai-Pach</italic> who may veto over the selection of the chief. The defeated people migrate to other places and established their own villages, and the cycles of split, separation and migration continued till the Acholi groups thought of migration back to Bahr El-Ghazal [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>].</p>
      <p>Hence, the internal conflict among the Anywaa groups was supported by huge wave of the Padang-Jieng migrants crossing the Sobat to the north due to climatic reasons. As a result, some of them continued northward, while others remained on the lower Sobat, Fuluth and north Jebel River pushing the Anywaa eastward along the middle of Sobat. According to this theory therefore, areas of: Obel, Adong, Abwong and others were occupied officially by the Padang, but they kept the names as they are. The new area for the Anywaa environmentally became treeless savanna with decrees of the hunting and fishing opportunities which in turn, became another defeating factor. As a result, they moved to the upper Sobat eastward which was well watered with better agricultural and fishing opportunities. While continuing in search for more suitable place, another split occurred among them over the land disputes as an addition to the power struggle. This split formed officially two independent groups of: the Anywaa kingdom and the Acholi chiefdom. </p>
      <p>Hence, after split and migration of the Acholi groups, the rest of Anywaa; <italic><bold>Ji</bold></italic><bold>-</bold><italic><bold>Nyiye</bold></italic> and parts of the <italic><bold>Jo</bold></italic><bold>-</bold><italic><bold>Kwaro</bold></italic> remained on the Sobat residing in three groups: The <italic><bold>Jo</bold></italic><bold>-</bold><italic><bold>Ciro</bold></italic>, the <italic><bold>Jo</bold></italic><bold>-</bold><italic><bold>Openo</bold></italic><bold>,</bold> and the <italic><bold>Jo-Thim</bold></italic>, but they lived a hostile live to one another: 1) the political conflicts over leadership continued playing the major role. 2) Limitation of the resources and lack of enough productive lands along the main river banks which they usually build their villages on in <italic>Buri</italic>(group) was one of the causes. </p>
      <p>They continued inhabiting those areas till arrival of the Lou-Nuer and Eastern Jikany around 1830s. But coming of the Turko-Egyptian, who practiced raid for enslaving, displaced them. The <italic>Jo-Openo</italic> migrated eastwards along the Baro River and settled the area which was named after senior chief Gambella, and became the first kingdom seat. But, the migration continued further southward to the highland foot up to the Lake Turkana. Therefore, the British expenditures who demarcated the international borders between Sudan, (Abyssinian Empire) Ethiopia and Kenya in 1899, 1902 and 1907 named the northern triangle of the lake (Ilemi Triangle) after the Anywaa chief Olemi Akwon [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>]. But due to ethnical conflicts, the Anywaa gradually were pushed back by the Surmic (Murle) northward to Boma plateau and beyond, and the pushing continued till they lost ownership of the Boma hills as well. </p>
      <p>In the first decades of 20<sup>th</sup> century, the Anywaa kingdom went into serious conflict with the Abyssinian Empire and they were displaced from Gambella to the newly border in western Akobo River which became inside the Sudanese territory and settled where the <italic><bold>Nyiya King Akwei Number</bold></italic><bold>(22)</bold> dedicate Ottalo the permanent headquarter for the entire kingdom seat up to date.</p>
      <p>The second group of <italic>Jo-Thim</italic> crossed the Sobat to the south and settled on the Adura island triangle between the Sobat and Pibor rivers. Some information says, majority of them have generally mixed up and got amalgamated either with Jo-Openo, or Jo-Ciro, and some of them got merged among the Eastern Jikany [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>]. </p>
      <p>The third Anywaa group <italic>Jo-Ciro</italic>clan remained on the Upper Sobat basin for several decades and centuries alongside with Eastern Jikany and the Lou-Nuer. But around 1870s, they were displaced by the Turko-Egyptian condominium that was active in slave raid [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B16">16</xref>]. Hence, by the end of 19<sup>th</sup> century, the whole basin of; Sobat, Baro and Pibor rivers fall under the Anglo-Egyptian condominium rule marking a new era, and left the indigenous vulnerable. </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec14">
      <title>14. The Impact of the Anyuaa Kingdom</title>
      <p>The European political activities in the region made the Anywaa kingdom an empire because, its king governs the entire Anywaa of South Sudan in Jonglei State, and in the Southwestern Ethiopian region Twelve (12) of Gambella. This helped the kingdom played a big role for South Sudan liberation since early 1960s. Pochalla County for example, was among the first towns liberated by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). The long term <italic><bold>Nyiya King Number</bold></italic><bold>(23)</bold><italic><bold>Agada War-</bold></italic><italic><bold>Akwai</bold></italic> who was a government employee in Post-Office had some educational skills he gained from the Presbyterian Mission in Akobo plus his Anywaa traditional knowledge of <italic><bold>Agem</bold></italic> and <italic><bold>Kwaro</bold></italic>. During his leadership, he has been a strong supporter for the (SPLM/A). Therefore, the New Sudan Flag was raised by movement’s leader Dr. John Garang in his present. As the head of the traditional authority for the local government he was awarded the Wooden Flag. </p>
      <p>After the king Agada’s back to the river<sup>8</sup>, his son former primary teacher; Adongo Agada was crowned in 2001 being the bearer of the Royal Dynasty <italic><bold>Number</bold></italic><bold>(24)</bold>. In his ten years term, the king Adongo transformed the kingdom positively building the kingdom's first school, clinic, and airstrip in the village of Otalo. But, suddenly, the king Adongo went back to the river on 30<sup>th</sup> November 2011. The royal family did not want to leave the modern intellect, therefore, the prince Akwai War-Agada was call back from Canada where he acquired citizenship, and he became the <italic><bold>Number</bold></italic><bold>(25)</bold><italic><bold>Royal Dynasty</bold></italic> bearer king or emperor for the entire Anywaa of South Sudan and Ethiopia. </p>
      <p><bold>Observations on the kingdom</bold>; the neighboring tribes sharing the district, county and state with the Anywaa, complain that, for more than 100 years has been a closed community to itself, and with a very limited developmental participation. Two reasons where always identified; 1) the kingdom is falling within cross borders with Ethiopia; therefore, they have been in migration live in and out across borders. 2) Limitation of participation in taxes paying because their major share go to the kingdom, what, comes to the government is a leftover from the king, who also receive a salary from the government.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec15">
      <title>15. The Separation of Acholi from the Anywaa</title>
      <p>The term Acholi in this writing is representing the sub-Luo people of South Sudan, northern Uganda plus the entire Luo of East Africa. In perspectival manna, they are from Achol, sister of the three brothers: Dimo, Nyakango, and Gilo. In their journey of separations, they followed Gilo. Therefore, the name Achol has got two meanings in the Western Nilotic languages perspectival. (a) The first meaning is replacement, a name given to a child born after the parents have lost a baby. (b) The second meaning is black, on the line meaning for Chollo as well. </p>
      <p>Hence, split of the Acholi groups took place when the entire Gilo groups reached the mouth of <italic>Khur-Nyanding</italic> [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B14">14</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B15">15</xref>]. Nyanding is seasonal stream leys southwest of the Sobat River situated between the two towns Nasser and Ulang Counties of Upper Nile State. The stream marks the geographical division for the Lou-Nuer areas west and the east connecting rivers of; Sobat with Kenneti as well as Fuluth. Both streams receive their water annually during the wet seasons from both rivers (Sobat and Kenneti) being the best homeland for the migrating animals’ husbandry with fishing opportunities for the inhabiting people.</p>
      <p>Based on the traditional stories, when political conflicts and land disputes forced the Acholi groups to break off from the Anywaa, they primarily thought of returning to Bahr El-Ghazal along the <italic><bold>Nam River</bold></italic>. But three obstacles made it impossible. 1) The period they have spent in dispirited migration, was long, and lots of climatic changes have occurred. 2) The elderly people who led them from Wi-Pach till they crossed the rivers of: Jebel, Zaraf, and Nyanding have perished. 3) The Padang-Jieng people have already occupied the lower Sobat [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>]. Therefore, they lost direction around Fuluth mouth and branched southwards through the valley of Nyirol up to the Biem swamps [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>]<sup>9</sup>. </p>
      <p>Other opinion says, from Nyanding, they took the immediate southern direction through the valley of; Mankai, Jier, Duachan and Tuny till they reached Biem swamps (Nanam). In fact, the two streams Nyanding and Fuluth meet at Biem swamps southern Lou-Nuer Country. </p>
      <p>The Acholi settlement was interrupted by migrant Eastern Nilotic, the Surmic people (Murle). The Surmic were being pushed by other Eastern Nilotic of the Ateker groups those of; (Anyangtong, Jiye and Toposa) [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B3">3</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B5">5</xref>]. Therefore, the Acholi groups were pushed southwest to Lafon hills, and the migration continued to reach the Lake Victoria. But the Pari (Lokoro) remained in the area to date, others branched to the west. In support, puts Acholi and the Anywaa as one family of whole Luo and together with Cholo, Lango of Uganda and the Jo-Palwo [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B7">7</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B9">9</xref>]. Their common language is one of the basic factorial features.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec16">
      <title>16. The Impact of Acholi Separation in Advancement of the Luo Community</title>
      <p>For the period between the 15<sup>th</sup> and 18<sup>th</sup> centuries, the Acholi groups came out from the Anywaa and developed themselves independently and became; Päri, Acholi, Alur, Fadhola, Palwo and other Luos inhabiting eastern shore of Victoria lake [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B1">1</xref>]. All have first settled along streams in Eastern Equatoria of South Sudan and northeastern Uganda. The migrations continued till major parts of them settled lastly on<italic><bold>Nam</bold></italic><sup>10</sup><italic><bold>Lolwe</bold></italic> former <italic><bold>Nyanza</bold></italic> province in Western Kenya and in <italic><bold>Mara Region</bold></italic>, northwestern Tanzania on the shores of Eastern Lake Victoria. The European activities; the British and German colonials in the turn of 19<sup>th</sup> century up to the middle of 20<sup>th</sup> century though affected the entire region, but the Luo inhabiting those areas in particular where much affected as the Anywaa because they were divided between countries; Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda as well. </p>
      <sec id="sec16dot1">
        <title>16.1. The Social Impact</title>
        <p>The Luo of Acholi groups’ separation had a great impact in where they migrated to. For example, 1) they kept their language and developed it into the level of reading and writing. 2) They kept developing their typical culture, making their dance one of attractive for other Africans with modern styles. 3) Positively, the Acholi of Uganda managed to assimilate and amalgamate the Lango from the Ateker groups of Eastern Nilotic into the Luo family of the Western Nilotic and integrated them culturally, linguistically, and they adopted naming their children in the Luo features [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B2">2</xref>]. </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec16dot2">
        <title>16.2. The Economic Impact</title>
        <p>The Luo people in Eastern Africa are being remarked by economic development, especially the agricultural sector and fishing skills. Their areas like; Lafon, Magui and among others in South Sudan are significantly have great contribution. They as well inhabit important districts in northern Uganda with major city of Gulu the center for economic and became refuge for big number of South Sudanese, Congolist people and lastly the Sudanese refugees. Other important counties, we find Kisumu in Kenya and Mara Region in Tanzania on top plus other areas which have a great impact in the region at large.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec16dot3">
        <title>16.3. The Educational Impact</title>
        <p>The Luo scholars played big roles in transformation of Africa. Some great names shined worldwide, and won international prices in health, law, agriculture, history, social science and among other fields. </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec16dot4">
        <title>16.4. The Political Impact</title>
        <p>In political aspects, the Luo people outside South Sudan had a greater opportunities and impact specially Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. Hence, several Luo people served in the King’s African Rifles since 1940s and in the East African Campaign of World War II. The brighter names pre-colonial for example; the first Black Kenyan cabinet minister during the Colonial Period was a Luo, and the First Kenyan Vice President was a Luo. In Uganda, the second Prime Minister was from Lango, and the second President of Uganda from 1966 to 1971 as well was a Luo. The impact continued and appeared in 21<sup>st</sup> century, when Barack Obama was 44<sup>th</sup> President of the United States, being the first black African-American ever. All the mentioned are positive impacts of the separation. </p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec17">
      <title>17. The Effect of Colonial on the Luo People</title>
      <p>Coming of the foreign invaders into the region had a negative impact on the Luo people in general. In South Sudan, the invasions were pioneered by coming of the Arabs into Sudan; they started to push southward. The conquest of the Turko-Egyptian 1821-1885 and the El-Mahdiyya Islamic 1885-1898, caused vulnerability for the Chollo kingdom and for the Luo of Dimo in Bahr El-Ghazal [<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B4">4</xref>][<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B16">16</xref>]-[<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="B18">18</xref>]. Though coming of the British into Sudan in 1898 had a positive impact by acknowledging the Chollo and Anywaa kingdoms, but, it divided majority of the Luo people between international borders. For example, the Anywaa were divided between South Sudan and Ethiopia. The Acholi as well were divided between South Sudan and Uganda, and the cutting off continued for other Luo groups like; Alur, Padholo, Palwo and so on to the Democratic Republic of Congo. The other groups used to inhabit Eastern Uganda on <italic><bold>Nam</bold></italic><italic><bold>Lolwe</bold></italic> the shores of Eastern Lake Victoria, were as well divided into Nyanza province in Western Kenya and in Mara Region, northwestern Tanzania on, as well as some Luo unwillingly, and became part of the Democratic Republic of Congo.</p>
      <sec id="sec17dot1">
        <title>The Complains on the Luo</title>
        <p>The neighboring ethnic groups to the Luo people in South Sudan particularly complain that, the Luo kingdoms are living a closed life for themselves focusing on their local kingdoms to the level that they believe their kings are the higher authority than the state governor and the county commissioner. According to these complains, these made their developmental contribution limited, the king and the kingdom are their major focus above the law making agency and the judicial. Therefore, most of their disputes including the blood compensation, the king is the higher authority, meaning the official judge or the legal counselor’s role may contain only on other tribes outside the kingdom jurisdiction. According to these complains, the kingdom authority upon the citizens may continue keeping the amalgamation of the country affairs impossible. </p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec18">
      <title>18. Conclusions</title>
      <p>The Luo people of South Sudan are part of the Western Nilotic groups. They lived first in plain areas of the Bahr El-Ghazal Region or along the Nam River. Due to many circumstances as in many areas of Africa caused internal disagreements occurred and forced them into social disintegration and breakup. The family which was comprised of four siblings three brothers and sisters got divided. Hence, Dimo and Nyikango groups remained inhabiting separate areas in the western White Nile in the current country of South Sudan. </p>
      <p>The Nyikango and his people developed and became the famous Shiluk kingdom, one of the oldest and strongest in central Africa to date. The kingdom as well has a great influential impact on South Sudan’s politics, economics and education. </p>
      <p>The Dimo groups which took the opposite direction to the west, are the inhabitants of Wau, the capital of Greater Bahr El-Ghazal. Though, their systems of governance are not at the same level as those of Chollo and Anywaa, their impact politically, economically and educationally has been present in the entire history of South Sudan. </p>
      <p>The two siblings, Gilo and Achol groups crossed to the east along the Sobat River. When disintegration occurred among them, Gilo kingdom remained one of the oldest and strongest inhabited area of; Sobat, Baro, Pibor and Akobo Rivers basins. The kingdom is typically similar to one of Nyikano, recognized in two countries: the Jonglei State of South Sudan and the Gambella Region of Ethiopia. </p>
      <p>The Achol group became widespread in many countries in East Africa, though there no significant kingdom at the level of Chollo and Anywaa system, yet, their chieftaincy system continued recognizable in the region. Culturally, the scattered Luo groups in many areas in East Africa, kept their language, original names and culture. Furthermore, they managed to assimilate other ethics into them which made them bigger in population with more impact in the places where they are. </p>
      <p>Other neighboring tribes to the Luo people particularly the two kingdoms; Chollo and Anywaa, see that their economic participation is in need of more practicality. The complaint is that the kingdoms members of the parliaments in all three levels; central state and county, all their contributions go to the kingdom, and what goes to the official government is just a leftover.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec19">
      <title>NOTES</title>
      <p><sup>1</sup>Linguistically is known as Acol.</p>
      <p><sup>2</sup>Fashoda or Pac-Choot, in Western Nilotic language could mean hornless home, meaning no one has horn or power here, except the ruler (king).</p>
      <p><sup>3</sup>The name Funj sometimes used in general meaning, and it could include the Nuba people of Mountains the traditional neighbors to Shiluk in the west. </p>
      <p><sup>4</sup>The Mahdits rule took over southern areas to Khartoum from 1881, but occupied Khartoum officially in January 1885.</p>
      <p><sup>5</sup>Being a Muslim means is circumcised, and this could not allow ritually for a king having Nyikang spirit to lost part of his body. </p>
      <p><sup>6</sup>The name Wau for homestead is familiar particularly in greater Upper Nile, and people being named for it.</p>
      <p><sup>7</sup>Going back to the river in the Anywaa belief, meaning death for the kings of the senior chiefs. </p>
      <p><sup>8</sup>Going back to the river means death of the king. </p>
      <p><sup>9</sup>Biem is small lake boundaring Jonglei Counties; Akobo, Pibor and Uror. </p>
      <p><sup>10</sup>The migrant Luo have taken with them the name Nam which is river as in Unity State.</p>
    </sec>
  </body>
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