The term “hijra” denotes a culturally specific third-gender identity in South Asia, referring to individuals assigned male at birth who adopt feminine gender expressions and roles, often residing in structured communities led by a “Guruma” or elder mentor ([25]). [10] concept of gender performativity posits that Hijra identities are constructed through repeated social acts, such as wearing feminine attire or engaging in hijragiri (traditional livelihoods involving performances at births, weddings, or money collection through blessings/badhai). However, these acts are constrained by societal norms that penalize non-conformity. In Bangladesh, the 2013 legal recognition of Hijra as a third gender aimed to affirm their status but has been critiqued for reinforcing binary assumptions rather than embracing fluid expressions ([19]). The Hijra community often describes their gender non-specificity using phrases such as, “we are neither men nor women” or “two people in one” to navigate their social position. The designation of hijras as a supplier of protibondhi (persons with disability) status in post-colonial South Asia aligns with the global trend when it comes to how trans. people are diagnosed or medicalized in order to obtain rights, as in the U.S., by having their condition classified as gender dysphoria under the Americans with Disabilities Act ([13]). It is possible for Hijras to secure some kind of benefit through the use of this framing in both Bangladesh and many other countries. Many other cultures have a similar pattern, whereby other indigenous cultures within the provinces of South Asia have also learned to show similarities to the disability framework through a third-gender identity by being discriminated against through both means of oppression. Research indicates a significant increase in rates of disability among trans. adults ([4]). The definition of social exclusion is described as the progressive development of several dimensions and processes (based on unequal access to rights, resources, and opportunities), including the lack of participation and access by persons in social, economic, and political life of the hijra people of Bangladesh ([14]; [7]). A strong example of extreme marginalization is described through [22] when individuals in the hijra community were shown to have only three percent access to education and employment compared with the typical eight percent in all other communities, while a massive ninety percent reside in cashless conditions. Service availability in urban centers such as Rajshahi City, contrasted with the intensified exclusion in rural areas like Chapai Nawabganj rooted in traditional belief systems, highlights significant regional disparities within the Rajshahi Division ([23]). While studies such as [19] provide valuable insights into national patterns, their urban-focused lens—primarily centered on Dhaka—tends to obscure rural realities, leaving an empirical gap in regional research. This study adopts a sociological perspective to examine the construction of social identity among Hijras, defined as an individual’s self-concept shaped by group membership and societal perceptions ([32]), and explores their experiences of exclusion. It analyzes exclusion in education and employment, investigates the urban–rural divide in expressing gender identity and accessing services, and identifies research gaps that call for targeted policy interventions.

Social exclusion bars the Hijra from participation, keeping poverty and isolation in parallel tracks. [18] stigma theory explains how society devalues “spoiled identities” that differ from binary norms in a typical patriarchal setup like Bangladesh. Intersectionality after [11] described how gender with class and location intersect to multiply the degree of exclusion, which has hardly ever been brought into focus in studies from Bangladesh but is noticeable when comparing regions, for example, rural-urban divides in Pakistan. The social identity theory above postulates that self-concepts develop or are determined by group memberships. For the Hijra, Guruma-led communities foster cohesion amidst rejection ([5]). [10] performativity critiques how Hijra gender enactments are policed, intersecting with Tajfel’s framework: while these acts of performance consolidate group identity simultaneously precipitate stigma, hence a tension between authenticity and survival. The 2013 recognition affirms identity but paradoxically reinforces binaries, limiting fluidity ([19]; [1]). Recent studies have been highlighting issues that have not been resolved yet, in particular how certain cultural aspects of “tightness” in Bangladesh, like the binary system, lead to the marginalization of Hijra through isolation ([21]; [6]). The most common form of violence affects almost all the members of the community, between 80 - 98 percent, depending on the research ([2]; [6]), while educational bullying contributes to 85 percent of the school dropouts among them ([31]).

Due to occupational exclusion, 90 percent of Hijra are confined to hijragiri, even though there are some empowerment initiatives that are only minimally effective ([15]; [27]). The health issues that are prevalent among the community become worse with pandemics and are a reflection of the social injustices towards them ([24]; [20]).

Such situations are almost identical in impoverished areas of the world. For example, in Pakistan and India third-gender is viewed as a natural and timeless concept by religious narratives but still, in Pakistan, the legal recognitions (e.g., Pakistan’s 2018 Act) are already ahead of Bangladesh’s enforcement, which creates a comparative gap between the two countries ([28]; [30]). As for the U.S. ADA claim for gender dysphoria as a form of disability, it may provide access but at the same time, it may also entail the risk of pathologization ([13]). Community resilience via Guruma counters isolation, aligning with capability approaches ([29]).

There are still differences: the concentration on the city (for example, Dhaka-centric; [19]) which overshadows the rural dynamics, whereas the study of Rajshahi in this case with the sampling and inferential stats being equally distributed. The effects that have been less evaluated and that need to be tested through data (e.g., vs. India’s NALSA judgment; [17]). This limitation of having only a few theories incorporated in the paper has been resolved by making the connections more critical.

This study addresses:

1) What socio-economic factors, particularly in education and occupation, contribute to Hijra social exclusion in Rajshahi Division?

2) How do societal perceptions and institutional practices influence Hijra marginalization, and what urban-rural disparities exist in gender identity expression and access to essential services?

The study utilizes a qualitative-dominant mixed-methods design, which combines quantitative breadth with qualitative depth to understand the nuanced experiences of the Hijra community within an interpretive framework ([12]). Purposive sampling was employed to select 50 respondents representing different socio-economic and geographic backgrounds. Out of them, 17 were from the urban Rajshahi City, 8 were from the semi-urban Natore Sadar Upazila, and 25 were from the rural Chapai Nawabganj. Such a distribution makes it possible to compare the urban and rural areas. The data gathered was based on three angles to the issues: 1) Semi-structured questionnaires (n = 50), which combined closed-ended items (e.g., demographics, income) for quantitative analysis and open-ended prompts (e.g., experiences of stigma) for qualitative depth; 2) 20 in-depth interviews, selected from the larger group of 50 questionnaire respondents, led by adaptable protocols to delve into themes such as identity, exclusion, and resilience, held in private places to encourage the disclosure of information; and 3) Three focus group discussions (FGDs, one per area, 8 - 10 participants each, aged 20 - 45), utilizing structured guides to invite collective insights on community dynamics and societal perceptions.

Upon obtaining permission, interviews and FGDs were audio-recorded, transcribed in Bangla, and translated into English for the study. Quantitative data were treated with SPSS v.26, which facilitated the generation of descriptive statistics (frequencies, percentages), and inferential tests (Chi-square for associations, e.g., residence-identity, p < 0.05; Cramer’s V to locate effect sizes). Qualitative data went through thematic analysis ([9]). The themes were refined through the iterative process to confirm their strength and also checked against the quantitative trends for the agreement.

Ethical measures were in line with the [3] guidelines. Informed consent was given in Bangla. Anonymity was ensured by the use of pseudonyms. The Interviews and FGDs were held in secluded, community-trusted places to ensure that the participants were at ease and that there was no discomfort. To mitigate risks of re-traumatization, debriefing sessions were offered post-interview, and referrals to local support services were provided. The study’s exploratory nature with a small sample limits generalizability, but it provides in-depth insights into under-researched Hijra community in different contexts.

The findings illuminate the lived realities of the Hijra community in Rajshahi Division, revealing a tapestry of exclusion woven through socio-economic barriers, societal perceptions, and resilient community structures. Drawing from quantitative trends and qualitative narratives, the data portray a group navigating profound marginalization while forging spaces of belonging.

The research of this study highlights the long-standing socio-economic and identity-based discrimination the Hijra community has been experiencing in Rajshahi Division, Bangladesh. It also brings to light their perseverance in Guruma-led communities. In spite of the third-gender recognition in 2013, most of the respondents (92 percent) still identify themselves as the third gender, but 8 percent of them have changed their gender identities which indicates that gender fluidity is limited due to the existence of binary norms and the fact that the legal recognition is pathologizing ([19]). The term “culturally tight” refers to societies that have very strict norms, where deviation is heavily sanctioned and conformity is strongly enforced ([16]), and in this case, it is the exclusion which, due to the enforcement of social seclusion, is getting worse ([21]).

Those who live in urban areas have more freedom, as it is reported that 52.9 percent of the respondents live on their own, but the stigma is still present and it reveals itself through the barrier of education (47.1 percent), thus breaking the assumption of urban inclusiveness. On the other hand, in the countryside, the levels of exclusion are very high as all (100 percent) of the people are dependent on Hijra communities, which indicates that marginalization is at the intersection of gender, class, and location ([11]; [23]). The designation of Hijra as protibondhi to secure rights presents a critical trade-off: while it enables access to benefits and quotas, it risks further pathologization by framing gender non-conformity as a medical defect, potentially reinforcing stigma and limiting self-determination ([13]).

On the theoretical level, the current findings bridge the gap between social exclusion ([14]; [7]), social identity ([32]), and gender performativity ([10]) models, providing a comprehensive explanation of how the demonstrated gender expressions trigger the almost universal stigma which only 6 percent of respondents report not to have experienced. This limitation of social interaction profoundly cuts the social and economic capital ([8]) and capabilities ([29]) of the community and thus leads to its continuous systemic marginalization. Affected by cultural resistance and the enforcement that is not very effective, the [33], especially Principles 12 (work) and 19 (violence), are in a very different situation from Pakistan, where legal changes occur step by step ([28]). Indeed, there are similarities in terms of patterns in Mohammadpur ([6]) and Khulna ([22]) when compared to Rajshahi, however, the rural context of Rajshahi is much more severe as 94 percent of people state that they are not recognized as citizens which is a criticism of urban-biased scholarship ([22]).

Whilst the use of the internet can be a good way to include ([6]), the rural economic instability makes the access difficult. The sharing of income, as one can see in the case of the Guruma-led communities, is a very positive aspect of their resilience but unfortunately, as the exploitation analysis indicates, there is a risk of them becoming internal hierarchies that foster dependencies and power imbalances, where gurus may exert control over earnings and decisions, potentially mirroring external patriarchal structures ([26]). Such findings call for the necessity of policy directives finely tuned with the Gender and Reduced Inequalities goals of the Sustainable Development Goals 5 and 10 respectively.

Among the recommendations are: firmly pushing the 2013 acknowledgment through the anti-discrimination laws, with specific timelines for enforcement and monitoring by independent bodies; renewing education through the introduction of quotas (e.g., 5% reservation in public schools) and anti-bullying programs tailored to rural contexts; providing vocational training which will widen the future-market possibilities for the youth and place reliance beyond the resourceful moral method, such as subsidized skill development in IT or handicrafts with startup grants of 50,000 BDT; and organizing campaigns by and for the community members who engage cultural and religious leaders for the purpose of breaking down prejudices, including community-led workshops costing approximately 100,000 BDT per district annually.

Strategies specifically for rural areas are very important in order to tackle the issue of cultural conservatism. It is important not to wrongly apply urban-centric models. This research by pointing out the limited enforcement of international human rights instruments such as the Yogyakarta Principles and at the same time bringing Hijra resilience to the forefront, becomes a part of the global trans. rights conversation. Next research undertakings should use bigger, stratified samples for better generalizability and also study the isolated Hijra groups to make sure policies are a true reflection of the different experiences of life.

The findings of this study reveal a self-reinforcing cycle of marginalization within the Hijra community in Rajshahi Division, whereby barriers to education limit occupational opportunities, confining most participants to stigmatized and precarious livelihoods such as hijragiri. This economic instability, in turn, exacerbates social isolation and vulnerability, notwithstanding the formal legal recognition of third-gender status in 2013.

Drawing on the theoretical lenses of social exclusion ([14]), social identity ([32]), and gender performativity ([10]), the analysis demonstrates how a patriarchal and culturally tight societal structure ([21]) continues to constrain authentic gender expression. Both community members and institutional actors often perceive the 2013 recognition as constrained by binary frameworks, thereby undermining its emancipatory potential.

To address these entrenched inequalities, targeted interventions are essential, including the enforcement of anti-discrimination legislation, the introduction of educational quotas and anti-bullying initiatives, skill-development programs, and community-led awareness campaigns aligned with Sustainable Development Goals 5 (Gender Equality) and 10 (Reduced Inequalities). By illuminating persistent urban-rural disparities and the limited practical implementation of international standards such as the [33], this research contributes to broader scholarly and policy discussions on trans. rights.

Future studies would benefit from larger, stratified samples and greater engagement with more isolated Hijra subgroups to enhance the generalizability of findings and better inform context-specific policy policies.