Permanent celibacy, characterized by the enduring—whether voluntary or involuntary—choice to neither marry nor form a conjugal union, is a social phenomenon of growing interest in many countries. This phenomenon can manifest in various forms and is influenced by a multitude of factors, including cultural norms, social pressures, individual aspirations, economic opportunities, education, and others ( Antoine, 2002, 2006 ; Engelen & Kok, 2003 ; Hertrich, 2007 ).

In the African context, marriage is normative and nearly obligatory. Culture, through customs and traditions, often contributes to the mental conditioning of individuals, compelling them to form unions ( Hofstede, 2001 ). Thus, African nuptiality regimes are characterized by early union formation for women and delayed marriage for men, rapid and nearly systematic remarriage of widowed or divorced women of reproductive age, widespread polygamy, and the exceptional nature of permanent celibacy for both sexes ( Hertrich, 2007 ). Consequently, the low prevalence of permanent celibacy is one of the distinctive features of African nuptiality. As such, permanent celibacy is virtually absent ( Antoine, 2002 ). Celibacy among adults or the elderly is thus perceived as an anomaly and considered a deviation that disrupts cultural models.

However, profound shifts in demographic and social behaviors have begun to emerge in recent years across African cities, affecting the marriage market. Due to the desire for self-determination, modernism, the increasing entry of women into the labor market, and—above all—economic challenges, marriage norms are now being questioned in Africa, accompanied by a rise in celibacy at all ages, including among the elderly ( Dimi, 2018 ). Although most African women still marry young, the average age at first marriage is gradually increasing ( Ononokpono et al., 2022 ; Rutaremwa, 2014 ; Tabutin & Schoumaker, 2020b ). In most African countries, marriage is being delayed ( Hertrich, 2007 ; Hertrich & Lesclingand, 2007 ; Hertrich & Locoh, 1999 ), particularly in urban areas. This trend toward later marriage is linked to education, but changes are also observed among uneducated women.

Recent demographic analyses in West Africa indicate that the proportion of permanently celibate individuals, though low, is slowly increasing across censuses ( Garenne, 2016 ; Rutaremwa, 2014 ). This phenomenon remains understudied in Burkina Faso, where literature has focused more on age at first marriage, polygamy, and conjugal transitions ( Ononokpono et al., 2022 ; Tabutin & Schoumaker, 2020b ). Yet even a modest rise in permanent celibacy may reflect deeper social transformations tied to urbanization, the growth of female education, and the redefinition of gender roles.

Like many sub-Saharan African societies, nuptiality in Burkina Faso is marked by high union prevalence. Permanent celibacy is rare in Burkinabè societies. Despite its low frequency, it remains poorly explored in scientific literature. Studying this phenomenon also holds demographic and socioeconomic relevance. On one hand, permanent celibacy directly influences fertility trajectories and household composition ( Shapiro & Gebreselassie, 2014 ). On the other hand, it may impact economic security and social well-being, particularly in contexts where the family remains the primary structure for solidarity and social protection ( Odimegwu et al., 2020 ). In countries with limited pension and healthcare systems, living alone at an advanced age can exacerbate economic and social vulnerability. Given these shifting marital behaviors across Africa, what is the prevalence of permanent celibacy in Burkina Faso, and which populations are most at risk of lifelong celibacy?

From a policy perspective, accurate data on the sociodemographic profiles of permanently celibate individuals could inform better-targeted programs, particularly in social protection, economic inclusion, and mental health. It could also enrich debates on evolving gender norms and family models amid demographic and social transitions.

This study thus aims to determine the prevalence and identify factors associated with permanent celibacy in Burkina Faso, to better understand the social, relational, and familial dynamics underlying this lifestyle choice. By examining the sociodemographic characteristics of permanently celibate individuals and their influencing factors, this analysis may provide valuable insights for tailored public policy design and implementation. Furthermore, it could advance understanding of relational and familial dynamics, as well as broader reflections on gender norms and life choices in Burkina Faso.

The phenomenon of celibacy can be analyzed through several theoretical approaches: culturalist, economicist, modernist, and comprehensive ( Dimi, 2018 ). From the culturalist perspective, celibacy is viewed as a deviation from marriage norms prescribed by African cultural values. Thérèse Locoh (1988) emphasizes that the exceptional nature of permanent celibacy in most of Africa stems from African moral values that reject this lifestyle as unacceptable ( Locoh , 1988 ).

The economicist approach posits that marital choices involve cost-benefit analyses of marriage. Economic hardships and the exorbitant costs associated with marriage may explain forced celibacy among less affluent individuals. Moreover, the need to accumulate bridewealth (dowry) and cover marriage-related expenses may deter potential candidates from marrying ( Dimi, 2018 ; Hertrich & Locoh, 1999 ; Locoh, 1988 ). Permanent celibacy may also relate to intergenerational wealth transfer. In elite families, daughters were often encouraged to remain unmarried to preserve family wealth rather than marry someone of lower status ( Engelen & Kok, 2003 ). In working-class urban households where resources are pooled, marriage could mean losing a productive member’s contributions, leading parents to discourage early marriages ( Engelen & Kok, 2003 ). Household size and composition also influence marital timing, as the departure of older children may relieve financial burdens in large families ( Engelen & Kok, 2003 ).

The modernist perspective attributes permanent celibacy to the adoption of modern attitudes fostered by education, which promotes individual emancipation. Educated individuals increasingly distance themselves from traditional cultural norms and assert their choice to remain single. Africans thus face contradictory logics: the universal modernity paradigm that valorizes celibacy (especially in urban areas) versus hierarchical traditional systems that prioritize marriage at all costs. Demographers suggest that freely choosing one’s partner significantly explains rising permanent celibacy ( Dimi, 2018 ; Le Bras, 1996 ).

The comprehensive approach frames celibacy as a deliberate choice reflecting hesitation to conform to established norms while avoiding the challenges of coupled life. These explanatory models identify three key factors influencing permanent celibacy among older populations: dominant cultural models, economic conditions, and personal motivations ( Dimi, 2018 ).

Furthermore, beyond these analytical frameworks, individual characteristics are crucial explanatory factors. Gender, education level, vocational training, and migration patterns all affect marital market outcomes. Some women deliberately forgo marriage, viewing their intellectual and professional aspirations as incompatible with traditional wifely subordination ( Dimi, 2018 ; Engelen & Kok, 2003 ).

Moreover, many studies have examined personal motivations for permanent celibacy, including independence, career dedication, unconventional lifestyle preferences, and disinterest in marriage/romance. Machoko (2013) demonstrates that celibacy was practiced in Zimbabwe as a voluntary choice for material, social and spiritual benefits. This phenomenon was observed among regional and family spirit mediums who were possessed by deceased chiefs’ or family members’ spirits until death. These mediums occasionally engaged in ritual sexual relations with a relative or chief to strengthen chieftaincy or bring financial and material wealth to their family ( Machoko , 2013 ). Educational attainment shows divergent patterns: in Cameroon, permanent celibacy primarily affects less-educated but non-poor individuals aged 60+ ( Dimi, 2018 ), whereas in Tunisia, higher rates occur among university-educated women aged over 45 ( Guérin-Pace & Kassar, 2022 ). Occupational sectors also matter—in Cameroon, celibacy rates are highest among executives, entrepreneurs, and agricultural workers, possibly reflecting hypergamy factors ( Dimi, 2018 ).

Studies examining drivers of change in age at first marriage reveal factors that may predict permanent celibacy. These factors exhibit gender-specific effects, differentially influencing women and men. Economic constraints and significantly increased female education are frequently cited to explain delayed first marriage in Africa, particularly in major urban centers. Research indicates that improved educational access has equipped women with skills and knowledge that enhance their autonomy and independence. This development has likely influenced their marital decision-making and willingness to pursue alternative life goals. Specifically for women, their growing economic participation and household earnings—combined with expanding educational attainment, especially in urban areas—contribute to postponement of first union formation ( Thiriat , 1999 ). According to Antoine et al. (1995) , ethnic and religious affiliations also significantly impact women’s first marriage timing ( Antoine et al., 1995 ).

For men, the primary factors influencing marriage are education level and employment history ( Antoine et al., 1995 ). Urban studies conducted in Burkina Faso (Ouagadougou), Mali (Bamako), and Senegal (Dakar) reveal that difficulties in securing employment, particularly stable jobs, lead to delayed union formation and consequently later establishment of family life ( Antoine et al., 1995 ; Antoine et al., 1995 ; Calvès & N’bouke, 2018 ; Calvès, 2007 ). In Dakar and other African cities, barriers to labor market entry and the need to accumulate bridewealth payments compel many young men to postpone marriage. The economic crisis, manifested through employment difficulties and housing shortages, significantly impacts men’s marital decisions, as housing provision remains traditionally a male responsibility. Faced with this crisis magnitude, men demonstrate increasing reluctance to enter unions. Securing paid employment proves crucial for first union formation ( Becker, 1981 ; Bocquier & Nanitelamio, 1991 ). The growing individualization of marriage financing observed across many African countries appears directly linked to employment’s pivotal role in initiating first unions ( Becker, 1981 ; Bocquier & Nanitelamio, 1991 ). Multiple studies highlight that marriage costs-encompassing various ceremonies and bridewealth paymentsincreasingly fall exclusively on grooms rather than their families ( Adjamagbo & Delaunay, 1999 ; Isiugo-Abanihe, 1994 ; Van De Walle & Lardoux, 2005 ). While marriage expenses become more individualized, they also appear to be rising across several African nations ( Adjamagbo & Delaunay, 1999 ; Van De Walle & Lardoux, 2005 ), including Burkina Faso ( Sévédé -Bardem, 1997 ). Within this context, it follows that gainful employment is perceived as a necessary precondition for first union formation among younger generations of men ( Calvès , 2007 ).

In Africa, permanent celibacy primarily affects individuals with severe disabilities or those whose religious obligations preclude conjugal life ( Hertrich & Locoh, 1999 ). The literature also examines how social norms and expectations influence the choice of permanent celibacy, highlighting variations across cultures and societies. Several studies analyze the familial and social pressures exerted on individuals to marry, along with the coping and avoidance strategies employed to resist these pressures ( De Bel-Air, 2008 ).

This study aimed to estimate the prevalence of permanent celibacy in Burkina Faso and identify associated sociodemographic, cultural, and contextual factors. The results indicated a national permanent celibacy prevalence of 2.3% for both men and women. Key associated factors included religious affiliation, educational attainment, employment status, economic sector, disability status, household wealth and residential setting.

While the 2.3% prevalence among both genders may appear modest, it reflects evolving marital practices within an African context where marriage has traditionally been near-universal. These findings align with similar sub-Saharan African contexts where permanent celibacy rates rarely exceed 3% for women aged 40 - 49 years and 5% - 6% for men ( Antoine, 2002 ; Antoine & Marcoux, 2014 ; Antoine & Nanitelamio, 1991 ; Tabutin & Schoumaker, 2020a ).

Men practicing religious beliefs other than Christianity or Islam demonstrated a threefold higher likelihood of permanent celibacy compared to Christian men. A similar pattern was observed among women. These findings align with Machoko’s (2013) Zimbabwean study documenting celibacy among regional and family spirit mediums possessed by deceased chiefs’ or ancestors’ spirits until death, or those engaging in occasional ritual sexual relations to strengthen chieftaincy or bring familial prosperity ( Machoko , 2013 ). Multiple factors may explain this phenomenon. Within Christian and Muslim traditions, marriage holds sacramental value and social prestige, actively encouraging union formation and family creation. Consequently, permanent celibacy typically represents an exceptional rather than normative practice in these faiths ( Antoine, 2006 ; Antoine et al., 1995 ; Garrigues, 2024 ; Maudet, 2024 ).

Both women and men with higher education levels showed an increased likelihood of permanent celibacy compared to their uneducated counterparts. These findings align with studies by Dimi (2018) , Engelen and Kok (2003) , and Guérin-Pace and Kassar (2022) , which demonstrated that some women deliberately chose celibacy as their intellectual ambitions and professional aspirations conflicted with the subordinate status typically associated with married women ( Dimi, 2018 ; Engelen & Kok, 2003 ; Guérin-Pace & Kassar, 2022 ). Several explanatory factors emerge from these observations. First, individuals prioritizing academic and career achievements may elect to focus on educational or professional goals rather than long-term relationships, viewing celibacy as enabling greater dedication to these pursuits ( Guérin-Pace & Kassar, 2022 ; Hertrich & Locoh, 1999 ; Lu, 2024 ). Second, higher education often reinforces values of independence and autonomy. Highly educated individuals may prefer single status to maintain decision-making freedom, pursue personal interests, and preserve independent lifestyles ( Bellani & Luppi, 2024 ; Locoh, 1988 ). Third, educational attainment frequently elevates partner selection criteria. These individuals often seek intellectual compatibility and shared interests, potentially remaining single rather than compromising on relationship standards ( Blossfeld et al., 2024 ; Hertrich & Locoh, 1999 ; Locoh, 1988 ).

Both men and women employed in the tertiary sector demonstrated higher risks of permanent celibacy compared to their counterparts in the primary sector, with similar patterns observed in the secondary sector. Multiple explanatory factors emerge from these findings. First, certain occupational sectors—particularly secondary and tertiary industries—often involve irregular working hours, frequent travel, or constant availability, creating challenges for establishing and maintaining stable partnerships. Individuals in these sectors may opt for celibacy to prioritize career commitments ( Cooke, 2008 ; Deuflhard & Ganault, 2025 ). Second, professions requiring intensive specialization (e.g., medical, legal, or scientific fields within the tertiary sector) demand substantial professional dedication and extended career development periods. These time and energy investments often limit capacity for romantic relationships, potentially leading to permanent celibacy decisions ( Shanafelt et al., 2015 ). Third, occupations involving frequent relocations or transfers present particular difficulties in sustaining stable partnerships. Workers in such mobile professions may choose celibacy to avoid complications associated with long-distance relationships or recurrent residential changes ( Cooke, 2008 ).

Disability status emerged as a significant correlate of permanent celibacy, particularly among women in Burkina Faso. These results corroborate Hertrich and Locoh’s (1999) findings that permanent celibacy in Africa predominantly affects individuals with severe disabilities ( Hertrich & Locoh, 1999 ). Multiple interrelated factors may explain this association. The women with disabilities frequently encounter societal stigma and prejudicial attitudes that substantially constrain their marriage prospects ( Callen, 2022 ; Campbell, 2017 ). Such negative perceptions and misconceptions about disability create significant barriers to forming stable romantic relationships. In addition, physical accessibility challenges and environmental barriers often restrict social participation, limiting opportunities to establish meaningful connections with potential partners ( Imrie & Imrie, 1996 ). These structural obstacles compound the social exclusion experienced by women with disabilities.

The analysis revealed significantly lower rates of permanent celibacy among rural residents compared to their urban counterparts for both genders. This urban-rural differential may be attributed to several interrelated factors. The, urban centers provide greater occupational diversity and enhanced career prospects, which may incentivize residents to prioritize professional advancement over marital commitments ( Antoine & Marcoux, 2014 ; Calvès & N’bouke, 2018 ). The concentration of economic opportunities in cities often leads individuals to allocate greater time and energy toward career objectives rather than partner-seeking behaviors. Moreover, urban environments typically feature fast-paced lifestyles with abundant cultural activities, social events, and nightlife options. These dynamic social ecosystems may provide sufficient personal fulfillment for some individuals, reducing the perceived necessity of committed relationships while simultaneously offering ample socialization opportunities without long-term partnership obligations ( Antoine & Marcoux, 2014 ; Nappa et al., 2019 ).

Our study has several limitations. As a cross-sectional survey with data collected over a short period, it lacks comprehensive marital history information, which restricts the analysis of underlying causes. Furthermore, the operational definition of “permanent celibacy” (women ≥40 years, men ≥50 years) is an arbitrary approximation that may exclude younger individuals who will never marry or mistakenly include those who will marry later in life. Moreover, census data, often based on self-reported status at the time of data collection, may be subject to cultural or social desirability biases, leading to an underreporting of celibacy status, particularly among women.

This study aimed to examine the prevalence and identify factors associated with permanent celibacy in Burkina Faso, providing insights into the social, relational, economic, and familial dynamics underlying this life choice. The findings enhance our understanding of relationship and family patterns while contributing to broader discussions on gender norms and life choices in the Burkinabè context.

The analysis revealed that permanent celibacy remains uncommon in Burkina Faso among men aged 50+ and women aged 40+. In urban centers (Ouagadougou and Bobo-Dioulasso), significant predictors included religious affiliation, educational attainment, disability status, economic sector, and household wealth, with consistent patterns across genders. Nationally, employment status and residential setting (urban/rural) emerged as additional determining factors, equally relevant for both men and women.

Permanent celibacy in Burkina Faso is shaped by a complex interplay of cultural, sociodemographic, and individual factors. Economic constraints, limited access to stable employment, and financial insecurity frequently delay or prevent marriage, particularly among individuals prioritizing financial stability before entering conjugal relationships. Furthermore, higher educational attainment correlates with marital postponement as individuals pursue academic and professional aspirations.

These findings suggest that both the prevalence and determinants of permanent celibacy may evolve in response to socioeconomic transformations, cultural shifts, and individual life trajectories. To maintain accurate understanding of this phenomenon, ongoing sociological and demographic research remains essential.