Loneliness is an unpleasant emotional state characterized by a perceived lack of social connections or companionship. It is not merely the objective state of being alone but rather the subjective experience of isolation and disconnectedness ( Rokach, 1996 ). Research has shown that loneliness can lead to a variety of adverse health outcomes, including diminished cognitive abilities, heightened risk of dementia, increased incidence of cardiovascular diseases, and higher rates of depression and anxiety ( Valtorta & Hanratty, 2012 ). During the COVID-19 pandemic, the prevalence of loneliness has surged due to enforced social isolation and the disruption of normal social interactions. The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly ( Hwang et al., 2020 ). increased the prevalence of loneliness worldwide. Social distancing measures, lockdowns, and quarantine protocols have disrupted normal social interactions, forcing individuals into prolonged isolation ( Klinkosz et al., 2023 ). The sudden and drastic reduction in face-to-face contact has led to heightened feelings of loneliness, especially among vulnerable populations such as the elderly, those living alone, and individuals with pre-existing mental health conditions ( Hwang et al., 2020 ). While loneliness can affect individuals of all ages, certain groups have been particularly impacted during the pandemic. Older adults, who are often at higher risk of severe illness from COVID-19, have faced increased isolation due to stringent protective measures ( Mistry et al., 2022 ). Young adults and adolescents have also experienced significant disruptions to their social lives, educational experiences, and developmental milestones, leading to increased loneliness and associated mental health issues. Loneliness is closely linked to a range of mental health problems ( Lee et al., 2020 ). It is a major contributor to depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation. The feelings of hopelessness and helplessness that often accompany loneliness can exacerbate symptoms of these conditions. Additionally, loneliness can lead to poor sleep quality and substance abuse, further compounding mental health challenges ( Health Risks of Social Isolation and Loneliness, 2023 ).

The cultural dimensions of individualism and collectivism play a crucial role in shaping how individuals experience and cope with loneliness ( Lykes & Kemmelmeier, 2013 ). Individualistic cultures, which are predominant in Western societies, emphasize personal autonomy, self-reliance, and individual achievements. In these cultures, social connections are often voluntary and based on personal choice ( Lykes & Kemmelmeier, 2013 ; Staden & Coetzee, 2010 ). In contrast, collectivist cultures, which are common in Eastern societies, prioritize group harmony, family ties, and interdependence. Social connections in these cultures are often obligatory and based on familial and community relationships ( Wang et al., 2004 ). The way in which individualism and collectivism influence loneliness is complex and multifaceted. In individualistic cultures, the voluntary nature of social relationships means that disruptions, such as those caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, can lead to significant feelings of loneliness ( Heu et al., 2018 ). The reliance on self-sufficiency and personal achievement can also mean that individuals may be less likely to seek out or accept help, further exacerbating feelings of isolation. In collectivist cultures, the strong emphasis on family and community can provide a protective buffer against loneliness ( Goodwin et al., 2001 ). However, the obligations and expectations associated with these social roles can also create stress, particularly if individuals feel they are unable to meet these expectations ( Knight & Sayegh, 2009 ). Additionally, while collectivist cultures may offer more social support, the quality of these relationships can vary, and individuals may still experience loneliness if they feel misunderstood or unsupported within their social network ( Heu et al., 2020 ).

The COVID-19 pandemic has imposed significant changes on social behaviors worldwide ( Lampraki et al., 2022 ). Social distancing measures and lockdowns have restricted face-to-face interactions, leading to increased reliance on digital communication ( Jordan et al., 2020 ). While these measures are essential for controlling the spread of the virus, they have also heightened feelings of loneliness and social isolation ( Shah et al., 2020 ). Understanding how these changes affect individuals in different cultural contexts is critical for developing effective mental health interventions ( Klinkosz et al., 2023 ).

The COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact on social behaviors worldwide, highlighting the differences between individualistic and collectivist responses to social isolation ( Roychowdhury, 2020 ). In individualistic societies, the sudden enforcement of social distancing and lockdown measures disrupted voluntary social interactions, leading to increased feelings of loneliness ( Klinkosz et al., 2023 ). The shift to remote work and virtual communication, while necessary, often lacked the depth and quality of in-person interactions, exacerbating feelings of isolation ( Hwang et al., 2020 ).

In collectivist societies, the impact of the pandemic on loneliness was mitigated to some extent by the existing strong family and community bonds ( Lampraki et al., 2022 ). However, the enforcement of social distancing measures and the inability to engage in traditional communal activities also posed challenges ( Schellekens & Lee, 2020 ). The pressure to maintain group harmony and fulfill family obligations amidst the pandemic-related stress could lead to increased mental health issues, even if the overall experience of loneliness was less pronounced compared to individualistic culture ( Dean et al., 2021 ).

Prior research has highlighted the differential impact of loneliness in individualistic and collectivist societies. In individualistic societies, loneliness is often associated with a lack of close friendships and voluntary social interactions. In collectivist societies, loneliness is more closely linked to weak family bonds and the absence of obligatory social relationships ( Swader, 2018 ). The COVID-19 pandemic provides a unique context to explore these dynamics further, as it has disrupted both voluntary and obligatory social interactions across cultures ( O’Sullivan et al., 2021 ).

This study analyzed data collected from 40 participants hailing from five distinct regions: Taiwan region, the United States, Europe, Singapore, and Japan. The sampling aimed to capture a diverse cross-section of cultural backgrounds to explore the impact of loneliness during the COVID-19 pandemic. The demographic composition included 27 males (67.5%) and 12 females (30%), with one participant (2.5%) not specifying gender. Participants’ ages were categorized into five groups: below 20 (5%), 21 - 34 (25%), 35 - 50 (35%), 51 - 64 (25%), and above 65 (10%). The majority of participants were from Taiwan region (32 participants, 47.5%), followed by the United States (10 participants, 22.5%), Singapore (6 participants, 15%), Europe (4 participants, 10%), and Japan (2 participants, 5%).

The selection of participants was conducted via online platforms, utilizing Google Forms to distribute the survey. Recruitment efforts were made to ensure a balanced representation from each region, emphasizing the inclusion of various age groups and both genders. The survey period extended from December 2021 to February 2022, providing a sufficient time frame for participants to reflect on their experiences during the pandemic.

The study adhered to strict ethical guidelines to ensure the protection and privacy of all participants. Prior to participation, individuals were provided with an informed consent form outlining the study’s purpose, procedures, potential risks, and benefits. This form emphasized that participation was entirely voluntary and that participants could withdraw from the study at any time without any consequences ( Arora et al., 2011 ).

To maintain confidentiality, all data collected were anonymized. Participants’ responses were assigned unique identification codes, and no personal identifiers were linked to the data ( Martin et al., 2024 ). The demographic information collected was used solely for the purpose of statistical analysis and was not disclosed to any third parties. The consent form and survey materials were designed to be comprehensible to all participants, ensuring informed and voluntary participation ( Muller et al., 2023 ).

Participants were also provided with a debriefing form upon completion of the survey, which included contact information for mental health resources and support services. This was particularly important given the sensitive nature of the topic and the potential for discussing feelings of loneliness and isolation, which could evoke emotional distress ( O’Sullivan et al., 2021 ).

In summary, the study was conducted with a strong commitment to ethical principles, prioritizing the well-being, privacy, and informed consent of all participants. The ethical considerations were integral to maintaining the integrity and credibility of the research findings.

This study employs a cross-sectional survey design to investigate the impact of loneliness during the COVID-19 pandemic across different cultural contexts. Quantitative data were collected using standardized questionnaires, allowing for a comparison of loneliness levels and cultural orientations between participants from various regions.

The sample comprises 40 participants from five regions: Taiwan region, the United States, Europe, Singapore, and Japan. Participants were recruited through online platforms and completed surveys between December 2021 and February 2022. The demographic composition of the sample includes 27 males and 12 females, with a diverse representation of ages, ethnicities, and living arrangements.

1) UCLA Loneliness Scale: This 20-item scale assesses subjective feelings of loneliness and social isolation. It provides a reliable measure of loneliness across different cultural contexts.

2) Individualism and Collectivism Scale: This scale categorizes individualism and collectivism into horizontal individualism (HI), vertical individualism (VI), horizontal collectivism (HC), and vertical collectivism (VC). It captures the nuances of cultural orientations and their influence on social behaviors.

Participants completed the surveys online, which included demographic questions, the UCLA Loneliness Scale and the Individualism and Collectivism Scale ( Gouveia et al., 2003 ). Data were collected anonymously, and participants provided informed consent prior to participation. The survey period spanned from December 2021 to February 2022, allowing participants to reflect on their experiences during the pandemic.

Data were analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistics. T-tests and ANOVA were conducted to compare loneliness scores across different regions and demographic groups ( Kirkland et al., 2023 ). Pearson correlation coefficients were used to examine the relationships between loneliness and individualism/collectivism dimensions. The analysis aimed to identify significant differences and correlations that could provide insights into the cultural factors influencing loneliness during the pandemic.

The sample consisted of 40 participants, including 27 males and 12 females, with one participant not specifying gender. Participants’ ages ranged from below 20 to above 65, categorized into five age groups: below 20, 21 - 34, 35 - 50, 51 - 64, and above 65. The majority of participants were from Taiwan region (32 participants), followed by the United States (10 participants), Singapore (6 participants), Europe (4 participants), and Japan (2 participants).

Table 1 provides an overview of the demographic distribution of the sample:

1) Gender: 27 males (67.5%), 12 females (30%), 1 unspecified (2.5%).

2) Regions: Taiwan region (47.5%), United States (22.5%), Singapore (15%), Europe (10%), Japan (5%).

3) Age Groups: Below 20 (5%), 21 - 34 (25%), 35 - 50 (35%), 51 - 64 (25%), above 65 (10%).

4) Inferential Statistics:

Regional Differences: An ANOVA was conducted to compare loneliness scores across the different regions. The results indicated significant differences in loneliness levels, F(4, 35) = 8.92, p < 0.001. Participants from the United States reported the highest levels of loneliness (M = 45.2, SD = 5.9), followed by those from Singapore (M = 42.5, SD = 8.8). Participants from Taiwan region reported the lowest levels of loneliness (M = 39.2, SD = 5.6).

Gender Differences: A t-test was performed to examine gender differences in loneliness scores. The results showed that females reported significantly higher levels of loneliness (M = 44.0, SD = 7.4) compared to males (M = 39.2, SD = 8.1), t(37) = 2.23, p = 0.03.

Table 2 summarizes the inferential statistics for regional and gender differences.

Hypothesis 1: Individuals from Western societies will report higher levels of loneliness compared to those from Eastern societies.

5) Result: Supported. Western participants (United States) reported higher loneliness levels than Eastern participants (Taiwan region, Singapore, Japan).

Hypothesis 2: Vertical individualism will be positively correlated with loneliness in Western societies.

6) Result: Supported. Pearson correlation analysis showed a significant positive correlation between vertical individualism and loneliness in Western participants, r(10) = 0.55, p < 0.01.

Hypothesis 3: Horizontal collectivism will be negatively correlated with loneliness in Eastern societies.

7) Result: Partially supported. A weak negative correlation was found between horizontal collectivism and loneliness in Eastern participants, r(30) = −0.20, p = 0.15, which was not statistically significant.

The sample included a diverse range of participants from different regions, genders, and age groups. Descriptive statistics highlighted that most participants were from Taiwan region, with a significant representation from the United States and Singapore. The distribution of participants across age groups ensured a broad perspective on loneliness during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Regional Differences: The ANOVA results indicated that regional differences significantly influenced loneliness scores. The United States reported the highest levels of loneliness, potentially due to the high impact of COVID-19 and the associated social distancing measures. Taiwan region’s lower loneliness scores may reflect the region’s effective management of the pandemic and strong social support systems.

Gender Differences: The t-test results revealed significant gender differences, with females experiencing higher levels of loneliness than males. This finding aligns with previous research indicating that females may be more vulnerable to the psychological impacts of social isolation.

Hypothesis 1: Supported The analysis confirmed that Western participants (United States) experienced higher levels of loneliness compared to their Eastern counterparts (Taiwan region, Singapore, Japan). This supports the notion that individualistic cultures may be more susceptible to loneliness during periods of social isolation.

Hypothesis 2: Supported Vertical individualism was positively correlated with loneliness among Western participants. This suggests that the competitive and achievement-oriented nature of vertical individualism may exacerbate feelings of loneliness when social interactions are restricted.

Hypothesis 3: Partially Supported While horizontal collectivism showed a negative correlation with loneliness among Eastern participants, the correlation was weak and not statistically significant. This indicates that while collectivist values may offer some protection against loneliness, other factors also play a significant role.