<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><!DOCTYPE article  PUBLIC "-//NLM//DTD Journal Publishing DTD v3.0 20080202//EN" "http://dtd.nlm.nih.gov/publishing/3.0/journalpublishing3.dtd"><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" dtd-version="3.0" xml:lang="en" article-type="research article"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">ME</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title>Modern Economy</journal-title></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="epub">2152-7245</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Scientific Research Publishing</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.4236/me.2022.132011</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">ME-115462</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Articles</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="Discipline-v2"><subject>Business&amp;Economics</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>
 
 
  The Initial 40 Years of the EC Maritime Policy, Part I: 1957-1997: Is EU-27 Maritime Industry “Fit for 55”?
 
</article-title></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Alexandros</surname><given-names>M. Goulielmos</given-names></name><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"><sub>1</sub></xref></contrib></contrib-group><aff id="aff1"><label>1</label><addr-line>University of Piraeus, Department of Maritime Studies, Faculty of Maritime and Industrial Studies, Piraeus, Greece</addr-line></aff><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>21</day><month>02</month><year>2022</year></pub-date><volume>13</volume><issue>02</issue><fpage>159</fpage><lpage>185</lpage><history><date date-type="received"><day>21,</day>	<month>December</month>	<year>2021</year></date><date date-type="rev-recd"><day>22,</day>	<month>February</month>	<year>2022</year>	</date><date date-type="accepted"><day>25,</day>	<month>February</month>	<year>2022</year></date></history><permissions><copyright-statement>&#169; Copyright  2014 by authors and Scientific Research Publishing Inc. </copyright-statement><copyright-year>2014</copyright-year><license><license-p>This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution International License (CC BY). http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</license-p></license></permissions><abstract><p>
 
 
  We showed the 6 European nations, in 1957, (on the initiative of France &amp; W. Germany), to form European Community-EC. This was the vision of Robert Schuman, a spiritual child of Jean Monnet. France put the 3 claims of its Revolution (1789): Liberty-Fraternity-Equality... But why EC-6 failed to form a Common Shipping/Maritime Policy for 28 whole years (till 1985)? Eight facts compelled Commission to design a CSP/CMP, taking 8 years (1973-1981). Our concern today is for EU-27’s future, given that UK exited and Poland may too… A war over Ukraine...? We presented the factors uniting the member-states, and those dividing them. Solidarity and equal wages &amp; salaries remain 2 un-uncaught dreams. The threats now: from 22m of immigrants, the falling apart environment, the energy crisis and the dependence on Russian natural gas, among 5.5m dead from COVID-19, are the 5 major future problems for EU-27. We presented analytically, and with a critical approach, the 4 steps that EU-15 took for a common shipping/maritime policy (1985-1996). The 1
  <sup>st</sup> step produced 8 regulations (EC-10) concerning: cargo reservation, maritime safety, ports and cabotage. The 2
  <sup>nd</sup> (EC-12) drafted the regulations 4055-4058. The 3
  <sup>rd</sup> created the “positive measures” (EC-12). We presented the reaction of the 
  “Hellenic Chamber of Shipping” (1989) to them. The 4
  <sup>th</sup> formed Commission’s “strategy”…which…failed to make EU-15 fleet 
  more competitive &amp; boost the employment of the EC-12 seamen! The comments of ECSA
  —(European Community Shipowners’ Association) also presented concerning “the Strategy”. Last, but not least, and more recent, was that EU-27 maritime industry has to become fit for 55% less carbon emissions by 2030, since 2008, which sounds impossible, as nobody paid particular attention either in COP26, or in MEPC 77 (2021)!
 
</p></abstract><kwd-group><kwd>Reasons for Excluding Shipping from a Common Transport Policy</kwd><kwd> Reasons Compelled Commission to Design a CSP/CMP (1985-1996)</kwd><kwd> The Positive Measures (1989)</kwd><kwd> The Shipping Strategy (1996)</kwd><kwd> The “Fit-for-55” (2021)</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><body><sec id="s1"><title>1. Introduction</title><p>The “Treaty”-T, which established EC<sup>1</sup> signed by 6 nations in Rome in 25<sup>th</sup> March, 1957 (Photo 1).</p><p>The main targets of the EC-T-1957, after 2 deadly<sup>2</sup> global wars, were six (Graph 1):</p><p>The member-states which consisted EU-28, and their year of accession (<xref ref-type="table" rid="table1">Table 1</xref>), is shown.</p><p>(Scan 1) It took 16 years, (till 1973), for EC-6 to be enlarged, due also to a 12-year transition period (till 1969). For EU-27’s further transport integration, we believe, Serbia must be accessed. Certain—especially non-monetary, but cultural targets—have further to be pursued… The effort of…“Europe-zation” was really a great task, though certain elements uniting European People existed like: “Peace! No War”!</p><p>The elements dividing Europe were/are also important: 1) the war among certain European nations in 1940-1944 (against Germany<sup>3</sup>; Italy<sup>4</sup>; Bulgaria etc.); 2) the diverse history (Greece<sup>5</sup>); 3) the different religion; and 4) the dual “working attitude” between North and South.</p><disp-formula id="scirp.115462-formula2"><graphic  xlink:href="//html.scirp.org/file/5-7202925x4.png?20220228093832199"  xlink:type="simple"/></disp-formula><p>Photo 1. The 6 original members of the EC, 1957, signing… Source: modified from that in “About Europe”, EC publication (in 1982?).</p><disp-formula id="scirp.115462-formula3"><graphic  xlink:href="//html.scirp.org/file/5-7202925x5.png?20220228093832199"  xlink:type="simple"/></disp-formula><p>Scan 1. The geographical picture of EU-27, 2007. Source: “Kathimerini” assisted by the EU office of the Commission (Greece); modified.</p><table-wrap-group id="1"><label><xref ref-type="table" rid="table1">Table 1</xref></label><caption><title> The nations consisting the EU-28 and the year of their accession, 2020</title></caption><table-wrap id="1_1"><table><tbody><thead><tr><th align="center" valign="middle" >Year of accession</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Country</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Year</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Country</th></tr></thead><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >1957 EC-6</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Belgium, Luxembourg, Netherlands, France, W. Germany, Italy</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >1973 EC-9</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Denmark, Ireland, UK (*)—an important maritime enlargement concerning islands</td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >1981 EC-10</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Greece—a shipping champion</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >1986 EC-12</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Portugal, Spain</td></tr></tbody></table></table-wrap><table-wrap id="1_2"><table><tbody><thead><tr><th align="center" valign="middle" >1995 EU-15</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Austria, Finland, Sweden</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >2004 EU-25- (the great enlargement)</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Cyprus (**), Czechia, Estonia, Malta (***), Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia</th></tr></thead><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >2007 EU-27</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Bulgaria, Romania</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >2013 EU-28</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Croatia</td></tr></tbody></table></table-wrap></table-wrap-group><p>Source: internet. (*) UK withdrew from the EU-28 on 31<sup>st</sup> January 2020; (**) Strong offshore flag; (***) Strong offshore fleet.</p><p>The idea of forming the EC-6, we believe, was to “make” all Europeans… “brothers”! We saw, however, that the dividing nationalism never went away… The EU-6 tried to become a “family”, where…Germany was (is) the father, and France was (is) the mother! One child is Italy, while the other (UK), left the family. The father believes that…to be in this Union, means to work as hard…as Germany! Brothers in the North believe, more or less, the same. Brothers in the South, however, believe that life has and other interesting endeavors...</p><p>Moreover, if in EU-27 existed one religion, namely that of “Christian Orthodoxy<sup>6</sup>”, we believe, it could decisively help<sup>7</sup> the European vision. In addition, the individual nationalities, we believe, did not fallback, and one<sup>8</sup> “European nationality” did not become dominant; though any discrimination on grounds of nationality was indeed against EC-6-T-1957.</p><p>Unfortunately, EU-27 failed to put aside national interests in favor of solidarity! Germany and Spain sell arms etc. to Turkey in 2021, which Turkey threatens Greece with war. This is a clear case of nationalism<sup>9</sup>…and anti-solidarity.</p><p>Certain important positive steps were taken by EC-15<sup>10</sup> (<xref ref-type="table" rid="table2">Table 2</xref>), no doubt:</p></sec><sec id="s2"><title>2. Aim and Structure of the Paper</title><p>The aim of this paper is to analyze, with a critical attitude, the EC-6-15 common shipping and maritime policy, during its first 40 years (1957-1997). Also, to present the recent EU-27 “fit for 55”.</p><table-wrap id="table2" ><label><xref ref-type="table" rid="table2">Table 2</xref></label><caption><title> The positive steps taken by EC-15</title></caption><table><tbody><thead><tr><th align="center" valign="middle" >Action</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Action</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Action</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Action</th></tr></thead><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >The elimination of custom duties &amp; restrictions on imports/ exports among member-states</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >The establishment of a uniform policy towards 3<sup>rd</sup> countries</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >The freedom of the movement of persons, capital &amp; services</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >A system to ensure un-distorted competition (selective however)</td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >A “Single Europe” (after “1987’s single market Act”)</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Replacement of the unanimity rule in the Council of Ministers by a qualified majority (*)</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >One CTP; one CSP/CMP (common transport, shipping &amp; maritime policy)</td><td align="center" valign="middle" ></td></tr></tbody></table></table-wrap><p>Source: author. (*) Something we disagree.</p><p>The structure of this paper is as follows, after literature review: Part I deals with the power of maritime EC-9-28. Part II deals with the tools that EU-15 adopted to carry-out its duties and solve its problems. Part III deals with the EC-6-15 period of 27 years of inertia to form a CSP/CMP (1957-1984). Part IV deals with the laying-down of the foundations of a CSP/CMP (1985-EC-10). Part V deals with Commission’s communication “towards a New Maritime Strategy” (1996; EU-15). Part VI touches upon the future Common Marine Policy-EU- 25-27 (1998-2021). Part VII deals with the “fit for 55”. Finally, we conclude.</p></sec><sec id="s3"><title>3. Literature Review</title><p>Couper (1977) admitted that the EC-6-Treaty-1957 contained no official shipping policy. Article 84 (2), however, gave the Council the power to decide on sea transport issues. Additionally, some general Treaty principles, related to monopoly and preferences, could be also interpreted as applying to shipping—but this was a view not shared by all member-states.</p><p>Captain Spartiotis (1980) of the Greek Ministry of Mercant Marine<sup>11</sup>, argued that the EC-9 CSP started in 1974, with the “Court case” of the “Commission vs France”. In fact, the relevant cases were 3 (Graph 2).</p><p>Spartiotis also argued that there were 2 economic policies in EU-10: one supporting the “state-intervention”, carried out by Commission, and the other supporting “economic liberalism”. Apart from the above 2 opposite economic philosophies, role played also the national interests and the expediencies…of the member-states.</p><p>Farthing &amp; Brownrigg (1997: pp. 62-67) argued that the “1987 single European Act”, amending the EC-6-T-1957, completed the “single European market” and lowered further any remaining barriers among member-states, so that to form an “open market” (by 01/01/1993). The “Maastricht-T”-1991 extended the powers of the European Parliament, and provided the CM increased votes, by the majority rule (<xref ref-type="table" rid="table3">Table 3</xref> &amp; <xref ref-type="table" rid="table4">Table 4</xref>)!</p><table-wrap id="table3" ><label><xref ref-type="table" rid="table3">Table 3</xref></label><caption><title> The effects of the “Single European Act”-EC-12, 1987</title></caption><table><tbody><thead><tr><th align="center" valign="middle" >Effect</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Effect</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Effect</th></tr></thead><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >The CM can act now (in co-operation with the Parliament) (*)</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >The Commission is granted enhanced powers (i.e., to implement decrees &amp; legislation)</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >A clear timetable established for a free internal market (by 01/01/1993)</td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >The qualified majority rule can be applied to: customs’ issues, freedom of establishment &amp; in relation to article 84(2) for Sea transport…(&amp; Air)</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >To recognize the summit meetings of Prime ministers; form a CFP (a Common Foreign Policy) (<xref ref-type="table" rid="table4">Table 4</xref>)</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Source: author, inspired by Farthing &amp; Brownrigg (1997)</td></tr></tbody></table></table-wrap><p>(*) Plus, a common discussion with the newly formed ‘‘Economic &amp; Social” committee.</p><table-wrap id="table4" ><label><xref ref-type="table" rid="table4">Table 4</xref></label><caption><title> Effects of the Maastricht Summit, EC-12</title></caption><table><tbody><thead><tr><th align="center" valign="middle" >Maastricht summit</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Maastricht summit</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Maastricht summit</th></tr></thead><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >Promote further one economic monetary &amp; political union</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Have a common: defense, foreign policy, citizenship; &amp; a stronger Parliament</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Establish a common currency-(1996-1999) (except UK)</td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >Have a common social policy (except UK)</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >EU to act, if the objectives are better met at EU’s level than at member states (subsidiarity principle)</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >EU-Parliament granted greater powers so that to co-decide in all transport policy issues of sea (&amp; air)!</td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >Free movement of persons &amp; immigrants, beyond the Schengen agreement (except in UK, Ireland &amp; Denmark)</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Extend EU’s commercial policy rules to service sectors &amp; intellectual property, including maritime relations with 3<sup>rd</sup> countries</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Intergovernmental conference-Amsterdam (June 1997)</td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >A social policy providing also employment incentives</td><td align="center" valign="middle" ></td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Source: inspired by Farthing &amp; Brownrigg (1997: pp. 62-67)</td></tr></tbody></table></table-wrap><p>The institutions of the EC-12 strengthened in Maastricht. A “single market” surely needed the free movement of the factors of production, including capital. But the free movement of labor was theoretical, we believe, for EU-12’s manpower, due to existing different languages, diplomas<sup>12</sup> and other barriers. The aim of the “Maastricht-T”-1991 (EC-12), was a more intense integration in the monetary area with one common currency, one defense, and one common foreign policy. At the moment, NATO<sup>13</sup> protects EU-27 and FRONTEX its borders.</p><p>The EC-12’s benefits, however, were not without a cost: member-states gave-up part of their sovereignty, in general, and in maritime issues, in particular, and their Parliaments weakened, because the laws of the EU override those of the member states. A rich source of knowledge about EU-15 is Power (1998), used also for writing this paper.</p><p>Stopford (2009: pp. 88-89) argued that EU-27 wanted to apply its regulations also to dry cargo companies &amp; their pools. Competition, which was regulated by articles 81 &amp; 82, ruled as illegal the companies which prevent, restrict and distort competition by fixing prices, manipulating supply etc. (p. 690). In 1962 regulation 17<sup>14</sup> gave EC-6 the power to enforce articles 81 &amp; 82, except in sea transport (&amp; Air)!</p><p>Casaca (2012) argued that the different communications from EU-27 showed that maritime transport needed integration, especially in the multimodal/inter- modal transport chains, but in a rather systems approach. She provided a detailed account of CMP from 1957 to 2012. She also provided 96 references published by majority by the Commission! Goulielmos (2012) edited a special volume titled: “European marine affairs after world economic crisis”—meaning after 2008.</p><p>Summarizing, the equalization of salaries and wages in EU-28, which was a dream, especially of the South, remained…a dream<sup>15</sup>. Moreover, 16m of Europeans were unemployed (Oct. 2020)! The economic crisis of 2009-2018 equalized labor supply among member-states, as many e.g., qualified Greeks, sought employment in EU-27!</p></sec><sec id="s4"><title>4. Part I: The EC-9-EU-28, as Maritime Power</title><sec id="s4_1"><title>4.1. The EC-9 Fleet (1974)</title><p>This was 3<sup>rd</sup> worldwide (<xref ref-type="table" rid="table5">Table 5</xref>). In cargo-generation<sup>16</sup>, EC-8, held 23% worldwide, where 63% of it was attributed to only UK, Germany and Netherlands, followed by France (~4%).</p><p>The EU-8 failed, however, to maintain a leading shipbuilding<sup>17</sup>, as it used to have, something we consider to be a great disadvantage, because a union’s competitive shipping cannot be without a union’s competitive shipbuilding! EU-27 must think this important issue over again.</p></sec><sec id="s4_2"><title>4.2. The EU-25 Fleet in April-2005 (<xref ref-type="fig" rid="fig1">Figure 1</xref>)</title><p>As shown, 6 out of the 25 member-states, had a fleet % greater than 10% of the total (Cyprus, Greece, Malta, Germany, Italy and UK) which was 195m dwt in April-2005. Three member-states (Cyprus, Greece, Malta) had 125m dwt, or 64% of the total. Eleven member-states covered almost the 97% of EU-25 tonnage. In more detail (<xref ref-type="table" rid="table6">Table 6</xref>):</p><table-wrap id="table5" ><label><xref ref-type="table" rid="table5">Table 5</xref></label><caption><title> The shipping countries and their share worldwide, in GRT, 1974</title></caption><table><tbody><thead><tr><th align="center" valign="middle" >EC-9 fleet</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Main Shipping nations</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Flags of Convenience</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Comecon</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Developing</th></tr></thead><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >~23%</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >37% Japan, Norway, Greece, USA &amp; other developed countries</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >25%</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >~8%</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >7%</td></tr></tbody></table></table-wrap><p>Source: Inspired from Farthing &amp; Brownrigg (1997).</p><table-wrap id="table6" ><label><xref ref-type="table" rid="table6">Table 6</xref></label><caption><title> The shipping profile of 8 from the EU-25 member-states, 2005</title></caption><table><tbody><thead><tr><th align="center" valign="middle" >Country</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Country</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Country</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Country</th></tr></thead><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >Denmark, With a young fleet of 7 years on average, controlling 50m dwt</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Italy, in 2003, almost 60% of its fleet &lt; 10 years &amp; in 2005 adopted the “tonnage tax system1<sup>8</sup>”</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Cyprus, contributed to country’s GDP up to 4% or ?50m p.a., and 2% of country’s manpower works for shipping at shore</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Germany, invested almost ?b in newbuildings &amp; a total of almost ?2b in 2005. It adopted the tonnage tax, &amp; foreign crews, &amp; tried a better nautical education; its fleet is supported by KG’s finance</td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >Belgium, registered ships of 9 years on average</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >UK, with an average age of 10 years &amp; a quite impressive increase, where its tax system revised</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Latvia, provided the better tax environment of all others</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >France, established the “International French Register”—IFR, applying the French legislation for safety &amp; crewing. Foreign crews are allowed, based on terms ruling in their countries, &amp; ILO. A 35% of crew must be subjects of EU-25 or otherwise 25%</td></tr></tbody></table></table-wrap><p>Source: internet.</p></sec><sec id="s4_3"><title>4.3. The EU-27 (2019)</title><p>This is the number-one global shipowner, stronger than G-20, where almost 16% of the world fleet is owned by EU-28 (313m dwt). European ports served 1.3m arrivals of ships (&gt;1000 GT) in 2018, almost 1/3 of the world (~31%). In 2008, the Ports of the EU-27 handled ~3.8m tons (3.3 in 2003), where Rotterdam had the lion’s share (10%). In shipbuilding, leaders were first Japan<sup>19</sup>, then S. Korea and now China. Greeks are recognized as the most competitive international shipowners (Goulielmos, 2021a), and for their laissez-faire policy.</p></sec></sec><sec id="s5"><title>5. Part II: The Tools EU-15 Had to Carry-Out Its Duties and Solve Its Problems</title><sec id="s5_1"><title>5.1. The EU-15 Tools</title><p>EU-15 established certain tools in order to carry-out its duties (<xref ref-type="table" rid="table7">Table 7</xref>).</p></sec><sec id="s5_2"><title>5.2. The Article 148 of the EC-6-Treaty</title><p>This dealt with the qualified majority…in order for the “Council of Ministers”—CM to…act. This majority required 71% of the 87 votes of the EU-15 (62 votes). However, the 4 larger countries were dominant in EU-15, because: Germany, France, Italy &amp; UK had 10 votes each (=46%)! One medium country had 8 (Spain); 4 small countries had 5 each (Belgium, Greece, Netherlands &amp; Portugal); 2 countries had 4 (Austria &amp; Sweden); 3 had each of 3 countries (Denmark, Ireland, Finland); Luxemburg had 2.</p><table-wrap id="table7" ><label><xref ref-type="table" rid="table7">Table 7</xref></label><caption><title> The tools held by EU-15</title></caption><table><tbody><thead><tr><th align="center" valign="middle" >Tool</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Effect</th></tr></thead><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >Regulation (*)</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Binding</td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >Directive (*)</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Binding (generally)</td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >Decision</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Binding; important for the application of Community law; binding, in its entirety, the State, or the person, to whom addressed; reasoned &amp; based on a provision in the foundation treaties</td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >Recommendation &amp; Opinion</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Advisory; not an order; not legally binding; foundation for a future action</td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >Resolution</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >Not legally binding (from EU Parliament)</td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >Council of the Ministers—CM</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >It does not propose, but asks Commission. The Commission generates the relevant legislation to enforce the treaties &amp; ensure the decisions of the institutions</td></tr></tbody></table></table-wrap><p>(*) The most measures which affect shipping are either regulations or directives.</p></sec><sec id="s5_3"><title>5.3. Equality and Brotherhood</title><p>Surely these are not characterized by the above voting system! All 27 member-states, we believe, should have 10 votes (=270), and then the qualified majority to be 75% (202 votes). Elsewhere, we have criticized the above voting system, for maritime issues, if we assume that votes had to be allocated in accordance with the tonnage owned! Greece, Cyprus and Malta owned more than 174m dwt in 2018 (~60%).</p></sec><sec id="s5_4"><title>5.4. Immigration</title><p>Today, EU-27 cannot keep its borders watertight to immigrants (<xref ref-type="fig" rid="fig2">Figure 2</xref>) coming from Turkey and/or Belarus and from elsewhere. Modern wars seem to be over immigration, data and energy!</p><p>As shown, 4 member-states bear a greater immigration burden: Malta, Luxemburg, Cyprus and Ireland…Malta has in every 1000 citizens 50 immigrants. In EU-27 were about 23.30 million immigrants in 2018, with a trend to increase after the end of the Afghanistan war.</p></sec><sec id="s5_5"><title>5.5. EU-27: A “Prisoner” of Russia?</title><p>Moreover, the EU-27 is indeed an energy…“prisoner” of Russia, through the supply of natural gas! EU-27 has to build a self-sufficiency in green energy the soonest possible!</p></sec></sec><sec id="s6"><title>6. Part III: The EC-6-EU-15, 27 Years of Inertia to Form a CSP/CMP (1957-1984)</title><p>The EC-6-T had a “timetable” with 20 chapters. One, titled IV, devoted to a “common transport policy”—CTP. It declared that the provisions of the EC-6- T-1957 will apply only to rail, road and inland waterways! Sea (&amp; Air) have to</p><p>wait till the CM would decide, by a qualified majority, (article 84; meaning then 62 votes out of 87 or 71%)…!</p><sec id="s6_1"><title>6.1. The Importance of Shipping (for EC-6)</title><p>The EC-6, despite the exclusion of shipping from the EC-6-T, recognized its significance on 4 important aspects (Graph 3).</p><p>As shown, the EC-6 appreciated the role of Shipping Industry for providing employment to EU-6 citizens, approaching today the 2 million persons worldwide for total global fleet (on board; let alone the “land maritime employment”<sup>20</sup>).</p><p>According to seafarers’ statistics<sup>21</sup>, in the EU-28, in 2019, were 216,000 masters and officers<sup>22</sup>, certified by EU-28 member-states, and 120,590 not certified by member-states (336,590). Since 2016, more than 70,000 masters and officers added<sup>23</sup>!</p><p>Shipping industry is also a provider of foreign currency, as it earns its income mainly in USA $. In 1974 this estimated<sup>24</sup> as equal to ?3b. Moreover, EC-9 shipping carried almost 70% of EU’s internal trade, and 40% of its external one.</p></sec><sec id="s6_2"><title>6.2. The Reasons for EC-6’s Delay to Decide a CSP/CMP (1957-1984)</title><p>A common shipping policy-CSP, or more correctly, a common maritime policy-</p><p>CMP, “appeared” 27 years after EC’s formation, i.e., in 1984! The reasons why a CMP delayed for almost 30 years, are not known, but there are 3 official speculations, as well our arguments (Graph 4).</p><p>As we derived indirectly from the “Seefeld report”, a CMP had to include EC-6 Ports, but this was extremely difficult, perhaps due to the “state aid” ports were receiving. Thus, a common port policy-CPP was not possible in 1957. This, however, was a serious handicap because as Goulielmos (2021c) wrote, the port costs (65% in total ship operating cost) were/are extremely high and different among EC-6 ports for the same service!</p><p>This was a dear opportunity to make EC-6 shipping more competitive, a result so much sought after by the Commission! This could be done, if EC-6 ships had e.g., special uniform low port expenses…in all EU-6 ports for the same services! Ports are the dominant partners of shipping industry! The less ports and shipbuilders gain, as well others (canals etc.), the more shipping becomes profitable.</p><p>Ports, however, as being local and national have much higher power to their governments…than ships.</p></sec><sec id="s6_3"><title>6.3. Building a CSP, 1970-1980</title><p>There were 8 reasons which played their role to form a CSP (Graph 5)<sup>26,27,28</sup>.</p><disp-formula id="scirp.115462-formula4"><graphic  xlink:href="//html.scirp.org/file/5-7202925x22.png?20220228093832199"  xlink:type="simple"/></disp-formula><p>Photo 2. Greece signs its accession treaty, May 1979. Source: “About Europe”, modified; the accession of Greece (1981)<sup>29</sup>; the effect on its shipping was neutral.</p><p>The EC-6 enlarged in 1973, and as a result EC-9 sea trade carried up to 90% by EC-9 ships<sup>30</sup>. The “EC-6 Parliament” adopted, (in 1972), a Resolution, based on the “Seefeld” report<sup>31</sup>, mentioned above, pointing-out the need for a CSP, in view of the 1973 enlargement! In end-1975, France also addressed to CM, saying—among others—as to how a CSP had to be drafted (point 451)! Pressure from inside was increasing on Commission.</p><p>In 1976, the Committee of the EC-9 Parliament on “economic &amp; monetary affairs”<sup>32</sup> reported on the existing oil crisis, and on the million dwt of tankers laid-up (about 35m dwt in end-1976)<sup>33</sup>. Also, on tankers disasters, in 1970-1980, of which many near-by EC coasts (Goulielmos, 2001)!</p><p>The EC-9 Council, (1978), adopted a recommendation on the ratification of the most important 4 international IMO conventions of safety and pollution! This last action had to be taken before, as these important conventions were adopted by IMO 4 - 5 years earlier!</p><p>All the above were the preparation stages towards a CSP/CMP till end-1984.</p></sec></sec><sec id="s7"><title>7. Part IV: Laying-Down the Foundations of a CSP/CMP, 1985-EC-10</title><p>The CSP/CMP was based on 4 measures (Graph 6). The Presidency of the CM, in Dec. 1986<sup>34</sup>, held by UK, to which Greece also contributed. The issued regulations completed the foundations of the EU CSP/CMP (known as “Brussels Package”).</p><p>As shown, ~28 years of inaction led—within about 11 years—to 4 proposals of a CSP/CMP (1985-1996)!</p>The CMP: Starts in March, 1985 (EC-10)<p>Commission communicated a memo<sup>35</sup>, representing the 1st systematic attempt to design a CSP, laying-down the main lines of action for EC-10. Till then, no one, (Commission or Council), defined clearly an even general, framework, for a CSP! The communication dealt with<sup>36</sup> (Graph 7):</p><p>The communication confirmed EU-10’s shipping overall principle of “laissez-faire”, and its opposition to cases of cargo reservation, where a permission asked to undertake action. The freedom to provide shipping services concerning the: Offshore industry; EU-10’s trade with 3<sup>rd</sup> nations, and “cabotage”<sup>37</sup>, which concerned in particular Greek Coastal Shipping!</p><p>The above was based on the assumption that by “liberating” shipping markets, (except liners<sup>38</sup>), a more intense competition will prevail<sup>39</sup> among ship-owners, which will make charterers able to offer cheaper<sup>40</sup> goods to final consumers… through a lower transport cost. However, Supply and demand only determine transport cost as it is known to those living in Jerusalem!</p><p>● The Commission enthusiastically attended Maritime Safety and the prevention of sea pollution by ships, by adopting what conventions existed 4 - 5 years already! This was easy!</p><p>It put also an emphasis on:</p><p>● A Port State Control, the Substandard ships and Crew’s working conditions.</p><p>● The coastal navigational systems &amp; hydrography.</p><p>● Helping developing countries to train their masters, crews and maritime administrations—something of secondary importance—but of good public relations.</p><p>● The issue of ports, and the competition among them, and state aid<sup>41</sup>, which was important.</p><p>In the 2<sup>nd</sup>-half of 1981 (EC-10) started a “deep &amp; prolonged shipping cycle”, till the 1<sup>st</sup> half of 1987, affecting the dry cargoes (EC-12). The ECOSOC committee found that the then existing CSP was: deficient, static, unpragmatic, unrealistic and unaware of the changes occurred, or occurring, in Trade<sup>42</sup>! This indicates</p><p>that till 1985 (EC-10) the Commission lacked a coherent and comprehensive CTP…</p><p>➢ The 1<sup>st</sup> stage towards a CSP</p><p>The “1986 package” (EC-12) brought-in 4 regulations (Graph 8), which were adopted by the CM. The aim was to maintain and develop an efficient and competitive shipping industry for the benefit of the EU-12-trade!</p><p>In more detail, in 1986, the EC-12-regulation 4055 applied the freedom in providing services to maritime transport, and regulated the relations of EU-12 with 3<sup>rd</sup> countries (cabotage excluded). Reg. 4056 laid-down detailed rules for the application of articles 85 &amp; 86 of the EU-6-T to maritime transport. Also, for the negotiations with 3<sup>rd</sup> countries on unfair pricing policies. This excluded tramp shipping, considered to be already competitive; a view which repealed in 2006, and the tramp shipping’s exemption from pools also lapsed.</p><p>Reg. 4057 dealt with the unfair pricing practices related to dumping of maritime services (31/12/1986). Reg. 4058 concerned a coordinated action to safeguard free access to cargoes and to ocean trade. Liners considered as offering stable freight rates (true), and thus received a block exemption from Art. 81, and allowed to fix rates, regulate capacity and collude, for the time being for God’s sake!</p><p>➢ The 2<sup>nd</sup> stage of a CSP came 3 years after, in 1989, and took the title: the “Positive measures”<sup>43</sup> (EC-12). This was a communication<sup>44</sup> to CM not only to improve the operating conditions of EC-12 shipping, but also to complete the 1986 CSP. Two in one.</p><p>The 1974-1987 maritime crisis caused the fleets of the EC-12 to diminish, and shipowners asked for help, as usually do in such cases. Help tried, but with a considerable delay! EC-12 tried first to define who is the EC shipowner so that to be helped... For us, the “community shipowner”<sup>45</sup> is the one, who registers ships</p><p>in one member-state, but also registers other ships, in another non-EC-12 registry! Let us call this 2<sup>nd</sup> fleet: “transnational”!</p><p>Both above fleets should concern EC-12-no matter that a number of ships are under foreign flags, as both contribute to EC trade—and not only. EC (and member-states) it would be better to be concerned with the profits of community shipowners, and if these benefit their countries of birth or not! This is an important aspect which has been ignored<sup>46</sup>!</p><p>To those that could understand shipping, the measures required, since 1974, were, in our opinion:</p><p>● To boost trade i.e., demand,</p><p>● To reduce oil prices by disciplining OPEC<sup>47</sup>, and,</p><p>● To reduce costs of operation of EU-12 ships due to flag!</p><p>Certain member-states chose, however, the faster and easier way, i.e., to abandon national flags, for reasons of cost, and thus EC-12 fleet to shrink (Goulielmos, 2000).</p><p>In more detail, shipping industry decided to resort first to:</p><p>● Open registries, and,</p><p>● to Offshore ones.</p><p>In the first belonged the nations of Antigua, S. Vincent and Vanuatu. In the 2<sup>nd</sup>, Bermuda, Denmark, Isle of Man, Norway etc. These combined the prestige of their national flag with the benefits of an open registry (!), something that EU-12 could not come to grips with at the beginning. The offshore registries we think is a case of shipping “globalization”. The matter of safety is a matter where discounts cannot be permitted, and the example of the “international ship register of Norway” in 1980s is a successful example!</p><p>In 1987, indeed EC-12 shipping industry established parallel registries in order to face competition! These enabled shipowners to register vessels under the (dual) national flag, and at the same time to operate them with a much “higher degree of flexibility” under the parallel registry (Anastasopoulos (1987)</p><p>The “positive measures” were (<xref ref-type="table" rid="table8">Table 8</xref>).</p><p>As shown, from the 5 positive measures, only the last 2 were really positive. The “Hellenic Chamber of Shipping”<sup>48</sup>— HCS (1989), pointed-out that the intervention of certain commercial interests of one…member state<sup>49</sup>, made cabotage an issue in the PMs, while it should not! It (p. 5), however, excused indirectly the situation where competition, against EU-12 ships, came from EU-12 shipowners under non-EU-12 flags, (because only the “Far East countries” mentioned<sup>50</sup>).</p><p>HCS (p. 5) accused…PMs as being favorable to certain member-states! It further (p. 6) mentioned that the reduction of crew cost was not always the only reason to employ foreign crew, and to choose Asian crews. Member-states did not want to confront seamen’s unions.</p><p>HCS insisted in the principle—which is right at all times—for governments, and for EU-12, to avoid influencing shipowners in their managerial decisions<sup>51</sup>. This means par excellence “timing to buy ships”. It (p. 7) accused EC-11 for paying no attention to the problem, which was for EC-12 citizens to avoid shipping as an employer, for the last 30 years.</p></sec><sec id="s8"><title>8. Part V: Towards a New Maritime Strategy, 1996, EU-15</title><p>➢ This had 4 new elements (<xref ref-type="table" rid="table9">Table 9</xref>)! To start with it was wrongly titled “maritime”, because it dealt only with “shipping”, excluding ports and shipbuilding.</p><p>Besanko et al. (2013: p. 1) argued that a strategy is, in short, “fundamental to an organization’s success, and its study is, or can be, profitable and intellectually engaging”!</p><p>The communication took the form of a resolution<sup>52</sup>. Its relevant issues were (Graph 9).</p><p>Commission found that a “common maritime safety policy”—CMSP, has been already established. The “external maritime policy”—EMP started. But, the competitiveness of the EU-15 fleet remained unsolved (1996)! Commission excused its dealing with only shipping, because another communication filled this gap<sup>53</sup>. Commission mentioned also the new development, which took place since 1985,</p><table-wrap id="table8" ><label><xref ref-type="table" rid="table8">Table 8</xref></label><caption><title> The positive measures—PM, 1989 (EC-12)</title></caption><table><tbody><thead><tr><th align="center" valign="middle" >Measure</th><th align="center" valign="middle"  colspan="2"  >Measure</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Measure</th></tr></thead><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" >To establish an EC register (later abandoned)</td><td align="center" valign="middle"  colspan="2"  >To define the “EU shipowner” (its application later restricted)</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >To establish the freedom of EU-12 shipowners to provide services to maritime trade within EU-12 state-members (cabotage) (inappropriately placed among the positive measures) (*)</td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle"  colspan="2"  >To adopt financial &amp; fiscal measures, concerning shipping operations by the EU-12 fleets</td><td align="center" valign="middle" >To form a Port State control</td><td align="center" valign="middle" ></td></tr><tr><td align="center" valign="middle" ></td><td align="center" valign="middle" ></td><td align="center" valign="middle" ></td><td align="center" valign="middle" ></td></tr></tbody></table></table-wrap><p>Source: author. (*) The issue of “cabotage” was an issue among member-states.</p><table-wrap id="table9" ><label><xref ref-type="table" rid="table9">Table 9</xref></label><caption><title> The 4 characteristics of the EU-15 Commission’s Maritime Strategy, 1996</title></caption><table><tbody><thead><tr><th align="center" valign="middle" >A new approach</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >Purposed to re-access the CSP</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >To set further goals (towards establishing a CSP)</th><th align="center" valign="middle" >A strategy (*)!</th></tr></thead></tbody></table></table-wrap><p>Source: author. (*) “Strategy” is surely an impressive term!</p><p>which was the new shipping industries, which emerged, particularly in “East Asia”<sup>54</sup>, competing EU-15 shipping!</p><sec id="s8_1"><title>8.1. A Common Policy for Competitiveness-CPC</title><p>The Commission thought that an increased competitiveness of EU-15 fleet will be achieved by (Graph 10).</p><p>The Commission, we believe, was un-prepared to tackle the start with the crew training issue, because it commissioned then a relevant study! The right step had better to establish first the connection of crew training to ship competitiveness... It has been taken for granted that a better trained crew will reduce ship’s costs! But how?</p><p>In our opinion Commission had also to investigate what part of the “crew</p><p>training cost” is paid by ships in national flags<sup>55</sup>. Commission lacked here a focus, and spent almost all its efforts to the problem<sup>56</sup> of the Supply of EU-15 seamen, and especially of officers—an entirely different, but important issue<sup>57</sup>.</p><p>● The Research &amp; development, we believe, is more important for shipbuilding and classification societies than for shipping, and for the steel manufacturers as well for the sea main engines designers!</p><p>● Also, valid is nowadays the research for a cheaper green oil... (Goulielmos, 2021d). Commission instead relied then on the 4<sup>th</sup> &amp; 5<sup>th</sup> frameworks of the R&amp;D program (1994-1998), the MARIS G-7 (in 1995), and on the ?.5m devoted for R&amp;D in waterborne transport.</p><p>● But EU-15 shipping needed…a cheaper steel to start with, and thus lower building prices, to become competitive, on top of the new logistics in “short sea shipping” &amp; ports, fast crafts, VTS, info. systems, simulations along with MAST<sup>58</sup> etc., as proposed by Commission.</p><p>➢ As far as the State aid to shipping is concerned, article 92(1) defines it to be incompatible<sup>59</sup> with the common market, though needed…despite article 92(3)(c)! In 1989, EC-12, Commission established guidelines<sup>60</sup>—revisable-to overcome this incompatibility! The State aid decided in 1996 was surely out of date, as tanker crisis, in 1974-1979, passed-away by 1996, and the dry cargo one, passed too away by the 2<sup>nd</sup>-half of 1987! State aid<sup>61</sup> does not make ships competitive permanently, we believe.</p><p>➢ The cost of EC-15 fleets. The thorough knowledge of the cost of ships is imperative to draft a policy to make EC-15 fleets competitive! This knowledge is from inside shipping companies and few Professors-except late B. Metaxas-knew, as late R Goss told me.</p><p>➢ Roberts (1947) wrote an article on comparative shipping and shipbuilding costs and underlined: “a knowledge of the operating and capital costs of vessels of the main maritime countries is essential to an enlightened discussion of many aspects of shipping practice” (p. 296).</p><p>Commission attributed the higher cost of EU-15 fleet to:</p><p>● Employment-related charges (crew wages), and,</p><p>● Fiscal costs (taxation),</p><p>which Commission expected to be reduced by state aid. Commission mentioned in its 1989 guidelines the existence of flags of 3<sup>rd</sup> countries and flags of convenience. But there, too, Commission was un-prepared, and wanted to see first the costs of ships under the Portuguese and the Cypriot flag—the cheapest EC-12 flag and one flag from those of convenience!</p></sec><sec id="s8_2"><title>8.2. ECSA<sup>62</sup>’s Commentary on Commission’s 1996 Strategy for a CMP</title><p>The ECSA’s views on CMP (Graph 11) were:</p><p>The association opposed<sup>63</sup> to Commission’s competition policy in particular, characterizing it one-sided, misleading and unsubstantiated at parts! It is considered as a potential threat to EU’s liner sector, to diminish trade and to increase ships’ cost! The critique of the association was as follows (Graph 12).</p><p>As shown, ECSA’s commentary on Commissions’ maritime strategy underlined the importance of the industry, which brought-in $160b of earnings in 1995, gained worldwide. Also, it reminded the Commission that seaborne trade will double by 2010. As expected, ECSA argued that the liner conference system provided regular and reliable services etc., which was true. The owners of container ships spent $65b since 1973 and transported 30m TEUs in 1995. Finally, it accepted reg. 4056. But ECSA strongly reacted against EU-15 competition policy!</p></sec></sec><sec id="s9"><title>9. Part VI: The Future Common Marine Policy-EU-28 (1998-2021)</title><p>In our 2<sup>nd</sup> paper, we will present the remaining period (1998-2021) for a CSP/ CMP. Also, a Common Marine policy (Picture 1) emerged in 2006.</p><p>As shown, Marine Industries, and their economics, are the broader circle including both shipping and maritime industries and their economics. These… discovered by EU-25 with a great joy, and publicity, in 2006. The joy was great because EU-25, at that time, did not copy UN or IMO, as did in the past, but designed its own “Common Marine Policy” independently, which was holistic and more general than both CSP and CMP! Surely, the focus required has been lost…</p><disp-formula id="scirp.115462-formula5"><graphic  xlink:href="//html.scirp.org/file/5-7202925x38.png?20220228093832199"  xlink:type="simple"/></disp-formula><p>Picture 1. The Maritime cluster of the Netherlands, consisted of 10 industries. Source: Lloyd’s list, June 1999.</p></sec><sec id="s10"><title>10. Part VII: “Fit for 55”</title><p>International shipping industry has to reduce its carbon intensity per ton/mile, by at least 40%, by 2030, and to try the 70% mark by 2050, vis-&#224;-vis 2008. The total annual GHG emissions have to be reduced by at least 50% by 2050, vis-&#224;-vis 2008 (according to Paris agreement).</p><p>IMO also adopted a strategy for decarbonization, in April 2018. Shipping industry considers the EU-27 “Green Deal” and “fir for 55” package ambitious. As a result, shipping industry proposed to IMO to set-up a research and development board (IMRB/IMRF), and fund, supplying it by a mandatory contribution from each vessel &gt; 5000 GT per ton of fuel consumed. The scope is to expedite the development of an alternative fuel(s) required by shipping industry.</p><p>The EU-27 proposed a “Well-to-Wake” (WtW) certification to be developed and validated by IMO, in Sept. 2021. IMO adopted, in 10-17 June 2021, a comprehensive package of legally binding technical and operational short-term measures. Their scope is to reduce CO<sub>2</sub> emissions from ships (in force since 01/11/2022) (MEPC 76)).</p><p>The industry relies on technology and on carbon-neutral fuels. Also on innovation investment, on building the required infrastructure etc. (Goulielmos, 2021d). The views of shipping industry seem to coincide with those of Goulielmos (2021d) on the theory of “increasing returns to scale”!</p><p>The “fit for 55” is based on 2 foundations (Graph 13).</p><p>EU-27 considered the extension of the EU-ETS to maritime industry from 2023—phasing out also existing allowances—for vessels &gt; 5000 GT; 100% implementation to intra-EU voyages &amp; 50% to extra EU ones, within the MRV<sup>64</sup> task. The 2<sup>nd</sup> regulation proposed the reduction of the GHG intensity of energy used by vessels by 6%, 26% and 75% by 2030, 2040 &amp; 2050 vis-&#224;-vis 2020 in line with MRV.</p><p>The “RED” (renewable energy directive) set fuel sub-targets (biofuels &amp; hydrogen from renewable electricity). This looks also at the supply of electricity to ships in ports by 2030. The “AFID”—“alternative fuel infrastructure directive”— needs the development of onshore power supply in EU-27 ports by 2030 and LNG supply by 2025.</p><p>However, the international maritime community disappointed by the inertia shown by the participating governmental leaders in COP26 (Oct. 2021), where the carbon emissions from ships were further reduced from 40% it was. Moreover, the ICS (international chamber of shipping) stated that during MEPC 77 of IMO (November 2021) no real progress made! The WSC (world shipping council) underlined the hopeful sign that an increased number of states supported the establishment of a R&amp;D fund, for making the future technologies to contribute to ships’ decarbonization!</p><p>Worth-noting is that “Maersk-shipping company” argued that the environmental impact of shipping must be reduced by adopting: 1) a global fuel standard; 2) a time limit in building ships using fossil fuels; 3) a creation of a global fund; 4) one GHG price, so that to pass to alternative fuels; 5) a creation of green sea routes; and 6) re-enforcing the system of data-collection of IMO, and its transparency. The whole above issue was supported by: BIMCO, Intertanko (owners of tankers), Intercargo (owners of dry cargo ships), WSC, etc., already since 2019 (in MEPC 75), but the whole issue passed-on…to the forthcoming MEPC 78 (2022)!</p><p>The views of the greater part of international shipping industry over the possible ways to reduce GHG emissions from ships, as a reaction to EU-27 initiative named “fit for 55” package, is to increase the existing 40% target to 55% by 2030!</p><p>Moreover, we hoped that the COP26 would be more courageous, than it was, despite the steps to decarbonize international shipping taken already. Governments, however, failed to translate words into actions! In addition, IMO MERC 77 failed to revise current GHG targets for 2030, as mentioned.</p><p>Given that the author had the purpose to write an additional paper covering the period between 1998 and 2021, the reader has rather to wait to have a complete historical picture of the total shipping, maritime and marine policy of the EU-27/28.</p><p>This paper showed the mistakes committed by Europeans in forming EU, which may be used as a guide for future economic unions. The equalization of wages and salaries, which was a target, announced, but never achieved. This needs further research. Moreover, and more important, the “national interest” instead of leaving it outside the door of EU, all nations brought it-in with them in all shipping, maritime and marine issues! This needs further research. The targets of French Revolution-equality, liberty, fraternity, remained unfulfilled…as liberty from energy needs has a long way ahead and a climate which will not kill its European citizens is also sought-after. This also needs further research.</p></sec><sec id="s11"><title>11. Conclusion</title><p>The port interests of EC-6, we believe, excluded, originally, “sea transport” from EC-1957-Treaty, and from a “common Maritime Policy”. So, a CSP/CMP delayed 28 years, till CM undertook by UK, in 1985, with contributions from Greek transport commissioners. UK was an island country, with a long past ship-owning, port and shipbuilding experience.</p><p>EU-6 shipping policy, by the influence of transport commissioners Anastasopoulos and Petropoulos, centered, initially, round the state-members that were “cross-traders”, like Greece. Thus, EU followed all along the principle of “laissez-faire”, but with 2 exceptions: the “tramp shipping pools” and the “liner shipping conferences”!</p><p>For safety, an EU-10 common shipping policy was easy, as it copied already the maritime nations acting through IMO, with a 4 - 5 years delay! Moreover, a policy for liners was also easy, at that time, in 1976, copying United Nations’ Code of Conduct.</p><p>But in 1996, Commission’s communication caused the reaction of ECSA—or really the shipowners of UK, Germany and Denmark… In addition, Italy—most probably—“asked” the “waiving of Cabotage privilege” inside EU-12, and caused the reaction of Greece (1989).</p><p>The EU-15 was proud, despite its long delay, for it succeeded—as alleged—in opening-up the European markets, in particular, through its CMP, and gave consumers a wide choice of shipping services, meaning most probably liners. It applied the EC-15 competition rules to all markets… But it admitted that failed to increase either EC-15 seafarers’ employment or to avoid flagging-out<sup>65</sup> towards a large number of parallel registries! This flagging-out indeed diminished the competition against EU-15 fleet except on costs needed for safety.</p><p>In fact, the EU-28 shipowners tried to protect themselves from the competition of non-EU ships and flags, by establishing the parallel registries, where crew costs were lower as well taxation, except for the safety standards. Thus, they could compete their competitors. To this surely decisively contributed the 1974- 1979-1987 shipping crisis!</p><p>Today, EU-27 is threatened by a wave of immigrants, amounted in 2018 up to 22m, and increasing after the pause of Afghanistan war; also, by the lack of adequate own energy; and by Russia and its supply of natural gas.</p><p>But more serious than the above, EU-27 is threatened by the possibility to fail in decarbonizing EU-27 shipping, and planet, by 2030, and thus no one to be “fit for 55”, or even for 40, as COP26 and MEPC 77 paid no particular attention to the problem. Will EU-27, be still 27, when the problem of climate will crop-up again more urgent and intense? We doubt.</p><p>EU-12-15 wanted to make its fleet more competitive, but it did not catch the last train, which was the building cost, covering 50% of total cost! The flag costs of each member-state also ignored, but these were responsible for flagging-out, together with crew cost and taxation.</p><p>Poor countries with large shipping are unable to provide any state aid. And rich shipowners benefit their poor countries of birth, no matter if their ships used to fly foreign flags (Onassis; Niarchos and others).</p><p>Shipping-the unknown…is the chicken making the golden eggs-needing a simple holistic treatment so that not to kill it. This means to help it to maintain the lowest possible total cost, starting from the building one.</p></sec><sec id="s12"><title>Conflicts of Interest</title><p>The author declares no conflicts of interest regarding the publication of this paper.</p></sec><sec id="s13"><title>Cite this paper</title><p>Goulielmos, A. M. (2022). The Initial 40 Years of the EC Maritime Policy, Part I: 1957-1997: Is EU-27 Maritime Industry “Fit for 55”? 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