A Psychogenesis of Color-Based Racism: The Implications of Colonialism for People of Color

doi:10.4236/psych.2011.23034

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Psychology

2011. Vol.2, No.3, 220-225

A Psychogenesis of Color-Based Racism: The Implications of

Colonialism for People of Color

Ronald E. Hall

Michigan State University, East Lansing, USA.

Email: [email protected]

Received July 9th, 2010; revised March 2nd, 2011; accepted April 7th, 2011.

Influenced by European colonization people of color have internalized a disdain for dark skin i.e.: color-based

racism. In addition to the historical literature and litigation color-based racism is here substantiated empirically.

The contingency coefficient reflected a moderate correlation between the variables, therefore the null hypothesis

was rejected and the research hypothesis was accepted. To educate Psychologists about the significance of

color-based racism among people of color will require an acknowledgement of its existence. In the aftermath,

people of color and the practitioners who serve them will move Psychology to the next level of service technol-

ogy.

Keywords: People of Color, Skin Color, Racism

Introduction

Influenced by Western i.e.: European colonization people of

color including African-, Asian-, Latino- and Native-American

(Indians) descent have internalized a disdain for dark skin (Ag-

ier, 1995). The existence of such disdain is historical and im-

mune to dispute in the aftermath of color-based racism as Euro-

pean colonial influence. Without exception, European colonial-

ism is an environmental force that disrupts the well-being of

universal social discourse. Although the Psychology literature

minimally acknowledges color-based racism among people of

color, amidst a Western obsession with race the neglect of

color-based racism has been all but institutionalized (Solomon,

1992). Greater focus on skin color would enhance the ability of

Psychology academics and practitioners to purge racism from

social discourse thereby reducing its various forms of oppres-

sion (Hall, 2006).

The objective of this paper is to inform. It will offer the Psy-

chology readership and interested social science scholars in-

sight to some of the post-colonial challenges which continue to

prevail upon the psyches of people of color. It will accommo-

date understanding of what people of color encounter as a form

of color-based racism often perpetrated and perpetuated by their

lighter-skinned counterparts. The lighter-skinned counterpart is

a subjective, self prescribed hue closer in proximity to White

than the typical native hue. It is in affect a vehicle of color-

based racism. Attention to color-based racism is designed to

enhance understanding of the unique blend of cultural experi-

ences and behavioral dynamics involving colonial influence of

the non-European population at-large—in particular those who

reside in Western and/or European nations. This paper will also

provide a framework for objectively differentiating the life

experiences encountered by people of color otherwise irrelevant

to their emotional and psychological well-being.

Western Colonization

Racism relative to Western colonization is regarded in aca-

deme as an extension of “white supremacy” (Hopkins, 1980).

In a social sciences context, racism, according to Banton (cf.

Kitano, 1985), refers to the efforts of a dominant race group to

exclude a dominated race group from sharing in the material

and symbolic rewards of society. It differs from other forms of

exclusion in that qualification is based upon race implied by

skin color and other observable racial characteristics. Such

characteristics are taken to suggest the inherent superiority of

the dominant race group, which is then rationalized as a natural

order of the biological universe (Minor & McGauley, 1988).

The most zealous proponents of racism profess that light-

skinned Anglo-Saxon/Teutonic people are superior to the dark-

skinned as a matter of biological fact (Welsing, 1970). They

postulate that Caucasian race people i.e.: of European descent

have been uniquely endowed with the capacities necessary to

bring about civilization. Their so-called “advancing civiliza-

tion” was a cultural form of oppression devoted to rationalizing

the right of Caucasian race people to embark upon a mission

aimed at dominating their dark-skinned subordinates as ration-

ale for colonization (Pinderhughes, 1982; Daly, Jennings, &

Leashore, 1995). By way of conquest, slavery and/or coloniza-

tion, Western European Caucasians eventually influenced every

society of the known world. In the wake of colonization, the

mission to “civilize” non-Europeans including people of color

necessitated a universal belief in the potency of race idealized

by skin color to elevate or taint (Hyde, 1995). In the post-colo-

nial era people of color have internalized colonial ideals appar-

ent in color-based racism.

As pertains to Western colonization racism is defined as the

peopling of foreign territory previously settled by a native

population with emigrants from the mother country (Kitano,

1997). Among the most active relative to colonial nations have

been Spain, Great Britain, and Portugal, etc. Since the existence

of the West’s Roman Empire, colonial powers have dealt with

their subjects in one of three ways: eradication, exclusion or

assimilation (Powell, 1997). Germane to the implications of

colonization for color-based racism is assimilation. The psy-

chological trauma and brutality suffered by people of color

R. E. HALL 221

during assimilation as per the colonial experience has not been

resolved. Previous European colonies are now proud, inde-

pendent sovereign nations but the effects of colonization remain.

The idealization of light skin and other European qualities is

ever visited upon the post-colonized psyche. While it is less

violent than traditional colonization, psychologically post-

colonization is no less brutal in the way that it demeans people

of color. Ironically it is the assimilation experience and other

Western influences encountered by people of color that has

impacted their self-concept manifested in the post-colonial era

as color-based racism directed at same.

Color-Based Racism

The most convincing implications of skin color for color-

based racism among Native-American Cherokee Indians are

couched in history. The Cherokee tribes in particular were not

the savages they had been made out to be by colonial scholars.

They maintained a National Council that was controlled by

educated, tribesmen, many of whom adhered to the value sys-

tem of slave traders. They set up schools, which were modeled

after same, where colonial values could be passed on to youth.

In many instances, it was the dark-skinned “full-blood” Chero-

kee, who were a minority within such groups. The primary

objective was the “refinement” of girls so that they might serve

as dutiful wives in the Cherokee Nation. Another interest was

in the assimilation of the darker-skinned, “full-blood” Cherokee

girls, but apparently, this idea did not come about until 1871,

by disgruntled tribesmen to establish a department to provide

education free of charge to poorer, darker-skinned “full-bloods”

(Halliburton, 1977).

While it was true that many Cherokee were from affluent

lighter-skinned families, the very wealthy were in the minority.

The majority could pay tuition, but they were not necessarily

from among the nation's upper class. In fact, daughters of such

families frequently attended schools outside the Cherokee Na-

tion. And each year, dozens of dark-skinned “full-bloods” went

to the school free of charge. Later (1851 - 1856) a class system

at some of the schools was based on wealth, but from 1872

until 1910, status was based more on skin color as implied by

race (Cherokee and white blood quantums), appearance (Native

or Caucasian), and degree of assimilation (Halliburton, 1977).

Certain individuals among the Cherokee students and teach-

ers took pride in their light skin. Students frequently taunted

those who had less "white" blood and darker skin. A few of the

“full-bloods” also scorned those who had limited knowledge of

Western ways. It was generally assumed among the mixed-

blood students that the “full-bloods” were “a little bit back-

ward,” and that the dark-skinned “full-bloods” were well aware

of their inferior status. The sentiment for skin color learned via

Western colonization had gained significant momentum.

The preference for light skin among people of color is a

psychological manifestation of color-based racism no less rele-

vant in recent history, even though light skin among many peo-

ple of color is less common than the relative dark (Hall, 1995).

Value-laden folk terms evolved among African-Americans that

reflect the fact, such as folk references to “high-yellow,” “gin-

ger,” “cream-colored” and “bronze” (Herskovits, 1968). When

the term “black” is used, it more often infers something de-

rogatory (Hall, 1990). However having light skin did not assure

bliss as in the life of African-American actress Dorothy Dan-

dridge.

In real life Dorothy Dandridge was a light-skinned African-

American who exemplified the ultimate metaphor of “tragic

mulatto” in the failings of her film career. The light-skinned

attributes which may have enabled her professionally may have

forced her to live out a screen image that eventually destroyed

her. Rumor has it she succumbed to alcoholism, drugs, and

destructive love affairs. Finally in 1965, at the age of forty-one,

Dorothy Dandridge was found dead, the victim of an overdose

of anti-depression pills. The tragedy of Dandridge’s life is that

as a light-skinned African-American ashamed of being Black

light skin denied her the possibility of fulfillment either as

completely Black or completely White despite White being the

ideal.

In a culture where race dominates, persons acquire self-worth

extended from their racial proximity to White as an identity.

Such identification with White, while not universally compul-

sive, enables them to define self in social terms. What those in

the UK may say to themselves and to others is: “I am not Black;

I am biracial; I belong; I am.” Hence in a post-colonial envi-

ronment the measure of self-worth and confidence will be

largely dependent upon the social assessment and personal

satisfaction/frustration inherent in racial identifications (Wade,

1996).

Similar to America, the biracial Briton connoted actuality of

the “tragic mulatto,” but that has surely changed (Russell, Wil-

son, & Hall, 1992). For the first time in recent history the “one

drop theory”, does not predetermine same as solely Black. But

deserting the racial paradigm may mean correcting others in

that one is biracial. The process begins with the very first en-

counter where biracial Britons challenge race rhetoric and con-

tinues throughout life, decreasing only to the extent they are

consistently identified with other than their assigned race cate-

gory.

The need of biracial Britons for a more comprehensive iden-

tity paradigm contrasts with the degree to which race remains

imperative. While numbers may be few, those who prefer to

distance themselves from certain aspects of their dark-skinned

racial heritage must—for psychological reasons—have the

option to do so. This perspective is counter to the notion of

racial paradigms that define identity as rooted in phenotype and

realized at a biologically determined point in maturation. But

for the light-skinned biracial Briton, imperatives remain, ren-

dering other than race based paradigms questionable. The dy-

namic is complex because legitimate identity does in fact ex-

ceed the bounds of its racial context. As a result, being

light-skinned may be assumed relevant and responsive to cir-

cumstances, history, and culture. But tradition allows for the

validation of racial paradigms in mythic proportion (Hall, 1993).

Racial implications for identity, no doubt, inhibit fluidity caus-

ing it to be rigid and/or less malleable. In the aftermath, race is

inculcated by pop-scholars who perpetuate hegemony and the

unnecessary trivialization people of color in Britain silently

endure.

Wearing a thin guise of fiction, a British Asian actress in the

movie “Mississippi Masala” dramatized color-based racism

before the world in 1992. In a seeming anomaly of the Hindu

caste system, the lowest among East Indians may discriminate

against dark-skinned minorities of higher status. This would be

R. E. HALL

222

the grist of black comedy if it were not so tragic. Among Indian

Asians light skin is believed to shape the lives of common folk

and those of the people they live, love, and work with. Many

have only a vague conception of that hereditary and restric-

tive—but somewhat adaptive—institution that is Hindu caste,

and suppose only that at any given level, color and caste are

coordinated with those at the top—privileged and light-skinned

—and those at the bottom—destitute, very dark-skinned, and

much discriminated against (Hall, 1994).

Perhaps the most psychological damage from color-based ra-

cism is visited upon women of color. Those in Pakistan aspire

to light skin by bleaching themselves. One such woman is a

well educated 23 year-old named Nasim Jamil (IRIN, 2004).

While she is young and attractive she is not at all satisfied with

the way she looks. “I am not fair enough,” she commented to a

local news organization. She further maintains that “White is

best. When you ask Pakistani ladies what their idea of an ideal

woman is, they will tell you that she should have fair skin.”

This is fact according to Fozia Yasmin who works for the Paki-

stani nongovernmental organization who reported to the IRIN

news organization. There are at least 50 percent of women Ms.

Yasmin has encountered who have sought her out for concerns

about their skin color. As women who reside in an Islamic na-

tion they are expected to look their best without exception

while simultaneously being required to be subservient to men

(IRIN, 2004).

Fair skin is considered an asset in India, says Rachna Gupta

who is a 38-year-old part-time interior designer (Leistikow,

2003). Considering this about once a month, she visits her local

beauty salon in south Delhi for an application of Jolen Creme

Bleach. The package states that it “lightens excess dark hair”

but Rachna has it applied to her face to affect lighter skin. “It’s

not good for the skin,” she insists, “but I still get it done be-

cause I am on the darker side and it makes me feel nice. Aes-

thetically, it looks nice” (Leistikow, 2003).

In Canada a 16-year-old woman of color who is a student

named Grace gets up in the morning and while standing in front

of the mirror is hurt by what she sees as herself (Obaahema

Network, 2002). The image that is reflected in the mirrors is

one which causes her to be severely depressed. She does not

like her kinky-permed-straight African hair in a world where

almost all hair is straight. Her nose is broad and her lips are

thick in a world where noses are keen and lips thin. Her dark

brown eyes suggest she is ugly and having no way to escape

resorts to applying bleaching creams to her skin. Each time she

resorts to the bleaching creams is an opportunity to escape her

ugliness. With each application she can approach the escape

from her dark ugliness and get closer to the idealized light-

skinned Western colonial beauty. When the cream wears off

Grace is forced to acknowledge the fact that she is Black. She

must admit that she is undesirable to men and only by bleach-

ing to lighten her skin can she be rescued from her fate. She

believes her failure to bleach will sentence her to a life of hor-

ror and shame in her dark skin (Obaahema Network, 2002).

Another woman of color named Latoya is a 17-year-old Ja-

maican who is determined to bleach her skin which the locals

call “brownin” (Obaahema Network, 2002). “Brownin is a Ja-

maican term used all over the Caribbean island in reference to

Blacks who have light skin. Latoya applies thick layers of

bleaching creams to her face despite the fact that some may

contain dangerous steroids. She is aware that the warning labels

advise her that the practice of bleaching could damage her skin.

Without concern she goes about daily bleaching because she is

pleased with what she sees of herself. “When I walk on the

streets you can hear people say, ‘Hey, check out the brownin’.

‘It is cool. It looks pretty’.” This Latoya wants more than any-

thing else. “When you are lighter, people pay more attention to

you. It makes you more important” (Obaahema, 2002).

In more extreme reactions to skin bleaching African women

incur increased risks to their health leading to the disruption of

organ performance. “There is suspicion of an increased risk of

renal failure as a result of the mercury contained in some of the

products that people use for bleaching,” according to African

Dr. Doe (Opala, 2001). Unfortunately too many women who

bleach do not seek medical help until it’s too late. This has

spurred an effort on the part of doctors to promote public ser-

vice announcements in hopes of educating the public to the

dangers of bleaching. The extent of such persons in Africa is

becoming so widespread that some of the governments are

beginning to exercise caution. For example in Gambia, the

government has decided to outlaw all skin-bleaching products

including Bu-Tone, Madonna Cream, Glo-Tone, and the

American-made Ambi. They decided to be lenient on those

caught with bleached skin. Furthermore officials in Europe

have also begun to take issue with the practice as Denmark has

also banned skin bleaching creams and soaps. Officials there

have traveled to a number of local African shops and gathered

up the products. Unfortunately, Tura, which is a product out-

lawed by Danes is still popular in Ghana and other African

countries. While the business community may find these ac-

tions extreme, doctors concur that they're not without reason

(Opala, 2001).

Among Latinos in America color-based racism has been

documented in U.S. courts. One of the first cases was that of

the dark-skinned Felix-plaintiff—versus the lighter-skinned

Marquez—defendant. It was litigated in 1981. Both plaintiff

and defendant were employees of the same government office.

The plaintiff alleged that the defendant did not promote her on

the basis of skin color discrimination. At trial, the plaintiff in-

troduced the personnel cards of twenty-eight of her former

fellow employees. She testified that among them, only two

were as dark as or darker in color than she. All of the other

employees in the office, according to the plaintiff, were

light-skinned. The court ruled in favor of the defendants (Dis-

trict of Columbia, 1981). However it should be noted that vali-

dation of color-based racism as an issue among Latinos is re-

flected in charges brought regardless of ability to prevail. In

addition to litigation such color-based racism is here established

empirically among African-Americans as well.

Method

A list of prospective students was obtained from the regis-

trar’s office. From that list participants were randomly selected

resulting in the required 200 students. To maintain anonymity,

their names were converted into numerical codes and all data

was reported in the aggregate.

The statistical procedure involved correlation between the

independent and dependent variables. Thus the chi square was

applied to determine whether frequency occurred by chance and

the coefficient contingency was applied as a test of correlation

R. E. HALL 223

on nominal data.

Using a sample of African-American college freshmen the

following null hypotheses were formulated to provide an objec-

tive basis for investigating the issue of color-based racism

among people of color. The .05 level of significance was used

as criterion of acceptance or rejection of the null and research

hypotheses.

H0: There is no significant relationship between self-identi-

fied skin color and light skin as ideal for a selected sample of

African-American college freshmen.

H1: There is a significant relationship between self-identified

skin color and light skin as ideal for a selected sample of Afri-

can-American college freshmen.

By way of empirical analysis of the objective, it is hoped that

the findings will offer a fresh perspective on the psychogenesis

of color-based racism among people of color.

Sample

The sample for this study included 200 African-American,

first-year students attending a historically Black college located

in south Georgia, USA during the traditional academic school

year. They were randomly selected from the registrar’s roster.

Respondents had a mean age of 18 years (SD = 0.88). All were

attending college full-time and classified as regularly admitted

students. A self-report instrument was utilized for measuring

their skin color. This method—instead of an in-depth inter-

view—was assumed by the investigator to more accurately

reflect the significance of skin color in color-based racism.

Measures

The self-report instrument is called the Cutaneo-Chroma-

Correlate (CCC). It was developed and validated by the author

to assess the relationship—if any—between skin color and its

idealized qualities. Part B of the CCC assesses the respondent’s

personal values pertaining to skin color (see Table 1). In scor-

ing a student’s responses, a rating of lightest was coded as a 5,

light as a 4, medium as a 3, dark as a 2, and darkest as a 1 con-

cluding in nominal data.

The self-identification of skin color served as the independ-

ent variable addressed through item #35 (My skin color

is_____). The rating of ideal as pertains to light skin was ad-

dressed through item #20 (Pretty skin is_____). It served as the

dependant variable. The entire CCC was pilot tested prior to

use in this study (Hall, 1990).

Research Design

The respondents were divided into two groups based on their

self-reported skin color, light vis-à-vis “lightest” or “light” and

dark vis-à-vis “dark” or “darkest.” The nominal status of the

self-ratings limited the method of data analysis. Those rating

themselves as “lightest” or “light” composed the light group (n

= 57). Those rating themselves as “dark” or “darkest” com-

posed the dark group (n = 26). The numerical values of the five

possible responses to item #35 (My skin color is_____) and

item #20 (Pretty skin is_____) were used to calculate the corre-

lation between self-reported skin color and selected values for

the ideal. A significant correlation (p < .05) was assumed to

suggest light skin as ideal and evidence of color-based racism.

Results

The greatest frequency in the high and low categories was

reported for the light and dark groups. When means were com-

pared, the higher mean was obtained by the light group. The

Chi square obtained (14.43, df = 1) exceeded the critical value

required to be significant beyond the .05 level for a two-tailed

test. In as much as the Chi square was significant, the C (.5102)

was also significant. The attained contingency coefficient

however reflected a moderate correlation between the variables,

therefore the null hypothesis was rejected and the research hy-

pothesis was accepted (There is a significant relationship be-

tween self-identified skin color and light skin as ideal for a

selected sample of African-American college freshmen).

Discussion

A substantial portion of social science research suggests that

the perception of another person’s skin color may consciously

or subconsciously elicit certain assumptions, expectations, and

interpersonal responses on the part of an observer (Hall, 2004).

Due to the fact that race vis-à-vis skin color is such a primal

component of one’s personal worth, comprehension of the

psychological implication is critical. If those who embrace

Psychology are to understand people of color, understanding

the post-colonial implications of skin color will be imperative

to the assessment and ultimate resolution of their presenting

problem. On the other hand, pathologies can occur when re-

sponses to others are grounded in skin color alone or when

color-based assumptions and stereotypes do not concur with

and dominate personal talents, abilities and other characteristics.

Table 1.

Identity and skin color ideal.

Skin Color Selected Values for Physical Beauty df Chi Sq

High Low

Light

(N = 57) f 22

39% f 5

9% 1.0 **14.43

Dark

(N = 26) f 2

8% f 12

46%

Code Light Dark C = 0.5102

High = +1/2SD (above mean) mean = 3.27 mean = 2.58

Low = –1/2SD (b elow mean) SD = 0.84 SD = 0.86

2 2

Required = X .05(1) = 3.84 Actual = X **14.43

* p < .05; ** p < .01.

R. E. HALL

224

Under such circumstances skin color applied without context

compromises the accuracy of practice and human perceptions.

Diversity in Psychology and those concerned with bringing

about more comprehensive treatment methods for people of

color initiated the attention to their many negative helping ex-

periences (Urrutia, 1994). Consequently, the attention to skin

color herewith extends from and is rooted in such concerns.

Accordingly, the current objective is illumination of skin color

as pertains to implications for the field of Psychology involving

individuals, groups, and families. In the aftermath enables ex-

ploration of skin color not only as an issue among people of

color, but also in terms of its implications for Psychology’s

practitioners. Skin color has implications for people of color

and practitioners regardless of race, skin color or practice skill

level. Empirical evidence correlates skin color with education,

occupation, income, beauty, and health, etc. (Hall, 2000). While

clients seek the attention of service providers service providers

as practitioners are not immune to the correlations of skin color

which they bring to the helping process. Although the emphasis

of this paper is devoted to people of color the implications of

skin color for the field of Psychology must be acknowledged as

a universal helping issue. To enable more effective practice

with people of color it will be helpful to:

* determine the class, social and familial circumstances of

the client

* be sensitive to the possibility that people of color who are

in crisis or who are experiencing powerful emotions may have

issues with the skin color of the Psychologist or self aside from

race

* seek relevant support systems if such action seems appro-

priate

* review the literature pertaining to the history and traditions

of Western colonization

Conclusion

The historical facts and empirical research pertaining to peo-

ple of color leave no doubt as to the significance of color-based

racism in their lives. In business professions, in the arts at the

university, and the Psychology profession it is obvious that

most of those involved are of European descent among whom,

skin color aside from race is a less salient issue (Bonila-Silva,

1991). Whatever the root of differentiation between client and

practitioner, be it racism, socialization, or a simple lack of ex-

posure Psychology is rendered less affective by said differen-

tiation.

The validation of skin color differences between and among

people of color is inevitable. Scientists believe that skin color is

incorporated into human definitions of self and awareness of

others by the time they reach the age of three (Clark & Clark,

1980). Where adults are concerned, the perception of skin color

is inclined to be significant for processing personal information.

In most circumstances when persons encounter one another

based upon skin color they assign color categories and then

attempt to apply some rational order to what fits and what does

not. It is not necessarily a conscious effort used by profession-

als or the general population. The process involves any combi-

nation of race and skin color between practitioner and client,

practitioner and practitioner and client and client. However the

issue is much more salient as pertains to people of color (Hall,

2003).

To educate Psychologists about the significance of color-

based racism among people of color will require an acknowl-

edgement of its existence. It has up to the present been over-

looked on the basis of cultural taboos and maintaining polite

social discourse. Some of the taboos include assumed differ-

ences which are little more than myth. By disqualifying said

myths from polite conversation in fact sustains the difficulty

encountered by people of color during the practice situation.

The limitations of the current study included sample size,

race, and geographic location. People of color comprise several

different racial and ethnic groups. The 200 participants selected

from among African-Americans located at a southern U.S. in-

stitution of higher education increases the risks of error in that

other people of color from other locations may think differ-

ently.

Lastly, acknowledgement of color-based racism minimizes

the potential for conflict and complies with the genesis of a new

awareness in Psychology and/or practice. It is increasingly

evident that at least among people of color skin color is perti-

nent to the study of self-image, self-esteem, family dynamics,

etc. Its acknowledgement is a necessity in a world fast becom-

ing not only racially indistinct but ethnically and culturally

indistinct as well. The subsequent diversity in the ethos of Psy-

chology has facilitated assertions on the part of people of color

to value them. Their findings have validated the colonial im-

portance of skin color and other native issues as having a direct

association with psychological well-being. In the aftermath,

people of color and the practitioners who serve them will move

Psychology to the next level of service technology.

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