Examining the Role of Brazilian Navy before Alcohol Intake in the Workplace

doi:10.4236/psych.2014.52016

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Psychology

2014. Vol.5, No.2, 104-108

Published Online February 2014 in SciRes (http://www.scirp.org/journal/psych) http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/psych.2014.52016

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104

Examining the Role of Brazilian Navy before Alcohol Intake

in the Workplace

Elizabe t h Espindol a Ha l pern, Ligia Costa Leite

Institute of Psychiatry, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Email: [email protected], [email protected]

Received December 21st, 2013; revised January 16th, 2014; accepted February 14th, 2014

der the Creative Commons Attribution Licen se, wh ich permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in

any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. In accordanc e of the Creative Commons Attribution

License all Copyrights © 2 014 are reserved f or SCIRP and the owner of the intellectual property Elizabeth Es-

This article presents some of the results of a qualitative research conducted at the Center for Chemical

Dependency (CEDEQ) of Brazilian Navy, a specialized outpatient clinic for substance abuse, in order to

investigate the role of this institution in the construction of the military patients’ alcoholism. A participant

observation was carried out in two treatment groups, during 24 sessions, in 2010. In addition, individual

open-ended interviews with 13 patients were carried out after each group session. According to their narr-

atives they tend to believe that the institution both stimulates and prohibits the consumption of alcohol on

board, an ambivalent position that contributes to the production of alcohol addiction in these individuals.

As a result, the incorporation of standards of conduct related to alcohol consumption throughout their mil-

itary career was observed, creating drinking patterns, especially drinking with colleagues of their military

units, which we named alcoholic habitus.

Keywords: Alcoholism; Occupational Health; Working Conditions

Introduction

Brazilian Navy created, in 1997, the Center for Chemical

Dependency (CEDEQ), a specialized outpatient clinic for the

treatment of chemical dependency, loc ated in the Navy Ce ntral

Hospital. This center is a pioneer initiative of Brazilian Navy,

unprecedented in Brazilian Armed Forces, a milestone that

reflected the official beginning of activities directed towards the

treatment of drug addicts. Despite the advances of the actions in

the area of prevention, treatment, and rehabilitation little is

known about the impact played by naval workplace in the pro-

duction of alcoholism of the patients. The inaugural studies on

this issue have recently been made by the authors of this article,

derived from their investigations in CEDEQ.

Context

The treatment program consists of group therapy that occurs

throughout five steps: motivational group, phase I, II, III, and

consolidation group. The permanence in each phase may vary

depending on individual performance throughout the treatment.

Above all, it is expected that the patient reaches abstinence and

changes his patterns of behaviors and ways of thinking. The

treatment involves compliance with specific objectives required

in each stage, based on behavioral techniques and on the 12

steps and 12 traditions of alcoholics anonymous recommen-

dations. Influenced by these guidelines, the program focuses on

group treatment, believing that sobriety can be best achieved

with the group support (Alcoholics Anonymous, 1996).

Although CEDEQ is available for all military personnel from

the age of 18, the vast majority belongs to the enlisted rank. In

contrast, officers rarely seek help on CEDEQ, preferring private

sessions. The enlisted military personnel are the numerical

majority of the organization and are the base of the pyramid

chain of Command. In general, they are responsible for equip-

ment operation and maintenance of the facilities of their mili-

tary units (Brasil, 1980).

Methodology, Collecting Process, and Data

Analysis

A qualitative study was conducted through the ethnographic

method, based on participant observations (Malinowsky, 1922/

1984; Minayo, 2006; Minayo, Deslandes, & Gomes, 2007) in

two therapeutic groups, each consisting of, approximately, ten

members, in 24 sessions, in 2010. Additionally, a multiple case

study (comparative) and explanatory (Yin, 2005) was carried

out through individual open-ended interviews (Fossey et al,

2002). For such, 13 patients were selected among the 25 pa-

tients who were part of two motivational groups, a phase that

corresponds to the first stage of the treatment program. The

interviews took place after the group sessions about their in-

volvement with alcohol in the workplace. Data interpretation

was possible by using the Peircean abduction (Peir ce , 1935) of

the peculiar categories that emerged in the discourse of the

subjects (Boudon, 1998).

Results, Analysis, and Discussion of Data

A Templum-synthesis was built according to the diagram of

Boudon (1998) to analyze and discuss the information:

E. E. HALPERN, L. C. LEITE

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105

Below, each element of the Templum will be developed in

order to further their meanings:

Base Category: Alcoholic Habitus

First of all, the base category identified the existence of “the

social construction of alcoholic habitus”. The alcoholic habitus

(Halpern & Leite, 2011a) incorporates the concept of habitus

proposed by Bourdieu (2007), applying it to a pattern of beha-

viors, attitudes, and ways of thinking related to manners of

ingesting alcohol, which is gradually assimilated. This research

focused on emphasizing the socio-cultural dimension of alco-

holism understood as a phenomenon, distinct from the prevail-

ing perspective of the biomedicine which usually considers the

addicted as one who has a mental and behavioral disorder due

to the use of alcohol (WHO, ICD-10, 1993).

More than being a pathological trait, alcohol consumption is

seen as an intrinsic practice necessary to consolidate a social

bond, a life style , a tr ace of c ulture . When we go to the drills, we

form one team according to the preference of the group: if

people drink, everyone must drink, no one can break this deal.

Additionally, it has a social or symbolic function that change

according to the context of its use (Douglas, 1987; Fainzang,

2007). Consequently, this study investigated the extent to

which military life in Brazilian Navy contributed to the social

construction of alcoholic h abi t us in these subjects. The report

of one patient demonstrates this point: Ah! The vibes contri-

buted to my alcoholism, for sure! All warehouses that I’ve

worked in Navy always had the blessed “cachaça”1 (a kind of

sugar cane brandy)!

Positive and Negative Meta-Categ o ri es

The base category (“the social construction of alcoholic ha-

bitus”) was mediated by two meta-categories: one positive and

one negative that correspond to the possibilities of developing

the alcoholic habitus. In order to achieve a dynamic analysis of

this core category, the meta-categories indicated that can it can

oscillate along two diametrically opposite poles: positive and

negative. The positive meta-category indicated “the lack of

experiences of drinking on board” for several reasons (fear of

losing control, for religious beliefs, and for medical advice).

The negative meta-category corresponded to “facilitating as-

pects for developing the alcoholic habitus”, such as the availa-

bility of alcoholic beverages at work, the peculiarities of naval

work, the collective experiences of consumption, and on ac-

count of the ambiguity of the institution before the issue of

consumption of drinks during working hours (Halpern & Leite ,

2011b). Consequently, a network of meanings crossed with the

other proofs that were concomitantly being woven in this dy-

namic process, highlighting elements that were implied and

uncovering new facts.

Theme/Induction: “The Patients Drank during

the Workday”

The t heme of analysis that was induced revealed that “the

patients drank during the workday”. The theme was structured

based on the reports of the patients who used to say that they

drank during working hours. This information was widely

shared by them during their group meetings. They explained

that the consumption of alcohol is a common practice in the

navy, not only among members of the enlisted rank, but it is

also a custom in the daily routine of many officers: I worked on

a ship that had brews in almost every occasion! All of this is an

encouragement to drink. Many patients said that they began to

consume alcoholic drinks when they joined the navy. Through-

out their naval career, they confirmed that the amount ingested

progressively increased, becoming a daily necessity. They in-

formed that they used to drink not only during the commemora-

tive events or to perform arduous tasks; the presence of alco-

A kind of suga r cane brandy.

E. E. HALPERN, L. C. LEITE

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106

holic beverages is widespread on different occasions and set-

tings of their quotidian. Last Thursday there was an event at the

base. People got heavily wasted until the end of the day. It was

sponsored by the headquarters itself, because of the Battalion’s

anniversary. In fact, beverages can be easily found in different

military units, canteens, and dining areas, distributed with or

without the acquiescence of the Command, mainly beer and

“caipirinha”2.

Hypothesis/Ded uction: “The Naval Institution

Contributed to Constitute the Alcoholic Habitus”

Based on the theme it was possible to deduce a hypothe si s.

However, despite the similar experiences of drinking on the job,

in general, patients are not fully aware of the possible correla-

tion between the presence of drinks on board and the develop-

ment of their alcohol addicti on. Still, they use to share the situ-

ations in which they drank during the working hours: Those

who work embarked know the cleaning system of the ship. This

happens when we arrive at the port, you know? It is a heavy job,

scrubbing and cleaning all day long! Then, the chiefs distri-

bute “cachaça” to accomplish these tasks.

Many patients began to understand the influence of the envi-

ronmental factors in the construction of their alcoholism along

the treatment, especially from the discussions at the meetings.

At the beginning of the treatment, they te nd to de ny t he ir a ddi c-

tion. However, some of them usually take the full blame for

their mistakes. In both cases, they have their self-confidence

shaken. After a few weeks of treatment, developing closer ties

with group members and therapists, the patients feel more

comfortable to amusingly share their mischiefs and pranks, as

well as episodes of collective drunkenness, revealing how the

distribution of beverages occurs, even in the course of military

drills. Alcohol appears in their discourse as a protagonist, as a

bond that reinforces complicity and cohesion.

Even with the advancement of therapy, fighting for absti-

nence, alcohol continues to be a mixed experience of pleasure,

pain and fear. Although many developed a critical view on the

appropriateness of drinking on board, conceived by common

sense as an inherent custom in all “Navies”, they feel resigned

before the force of the naval tradition of drinking. Consequently,

patients sought strategies to overcome the temptation that

emerges within the military organization, avoiding celebrations,

ceremonies, cocktail parties, in other words, evading every

opportunity where drinks are present. However, considering

that the habit of libation remains entrenched in naval routine,

they are required to engage in an incessant struggle. Unfortu-

nately, the vast majority fails, unable to resist temptation and

stay sober, fully assuming the blame for the failure. In fact, they

do not deny the desire for drink, or the desire to enjoy the op-

portunities to drink on board. Additionally, it is believed that

many of them do not wish that the distribution of beverages

will be reduced or prohibited. After all, alcoholic beverages are

the central components on the menu of the social life. Society

itself corroborates the perception that drinking is desirable,

until the moment when the libation brings clear damages to the

individual.

Abduction/Proofs

Then, five proofs were abducted from the narratives to prove

the hypothesis. They were organized and will be presented

separa tely to facilita te the analysis p rocess, although, in reality,

they are intertwined:

(1) Availability of drinks on board

In the Navy, on Fridays we have the famous “feijoada”3 and

“caipirinha”. It’s a tradition! Everyone knows it. It will always

be like this: tradition! Alcoholic beverages are within the reach

of the military, sometimes with the agreement and/or the par-

ticipation of the superiors: Each one takes his share of drinks in

the maneuvers. In the intervals, everyone takes a sip. If you

don’t, you can’t stand the heavy drills. The captain knows

what’s going on, but pretends that he is not aware.

(2) Ritualized drinking opportunities on board

Occasions seem to be created where alcohol comes into play.

In fact, there are many pretexts to party, like birthdays, the

arrival of new members, farewells, and promotions to higher

positions:

Drinking on board is easy. On the ship there are many events,

parties; then, you drink a lot! It is tradition in the Navy: every

day, without authorization, but the staff knows: this is an an-

cient custom. The whole crew drinks, whisky, vodka, liquor,

beer, as long as it makes one relax. It is traditional in the Navy!

Last week there were four events. I can’t tell what they cele-

brated, but there was food and drink at will.

In fact, there are many occasions in which alcohol is often

called upon to be a protagonist which helps to consolidate the

alcoholic habitus. There seems to be a pedagogy of drinking

(Halpern & Leite, 2010; 2013) that “teaches” military personnel

to drink according to codes of sociability between mates. It

cannot be resumed as a mere act of pouring liquid inside the

body; above all, it is a learning process that is assimilated in

daily work, until it becomes visceral: I usually go to the clubs

with my coworkers. Total craziness! Entertainment, women,

and drinks! We finally relax and have fun. There, we forget all

the troubles.

(3) Sailors’ duties characteristics

The proposed terminology named sailors’ duties (Halpern,

Ferreira, & Silva Filho, 2008; Halpern, Leite, & Silva Filho,

2010; Halpern & Leite, 2013) refers to naval working condi-

tions, organization, and processes that can lead to diseases and

suffering of workers. In response, many of them seek support

by drinking beverages wishing to minimize physical and mental

strain. The peculiarities of the naval tasks constitute the third

proof abducted of the narratives of the patients: Those who

work on ships don’t have time to go home. When we reach the

port, I’m already determi ned to drink and have fun! We work a

lot, but later the superiors sponsor a barbecue with beer at

will!

(4) Sociabilities among servicemen

This is the fourth proof that complements the previous ones,

since all of them belong to the same structure. Modes of social

interaction of the servicemen usually occur in a universe in

which they seek to express their likes, dislikes, joy s , sorrows,

and resentments. The existence of access codes seems to be

necessary to join the peculiar sociabilities of naval life, thus, in

general, individuals need to be acquainted with these codes

(Halpern & Leite, 2012). Actually, the sociabilities among ser-

vicemen need to be learned, mainly because they tend to occur

in groups: We have fun when we have a great day out at a bar-

becue, then we play soccer, and drink some beers! Best fun

2A cocktail made with “cachaça” or vodka, sugar and lime.

3It is a typical dish in Brazil, a stew of beans with pieces of sausage, pork

and beef.

E. E. HALPERN, L. C. LEITE

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107

ever!

In fact, the kind of leisure most cited by the patients is relax-

ing in the bars with co-workers, frequently located near their

military units: When I get home, I’m usually nervous, impatient

with the kids. My wife just complains. I’d rather go out with my

buddies to the bar, they understand me and we laugh.

(5) Navy ambivalence about the practice of consuming

drinks at work

This latest evidence concerns a fact that is widely cited by

the patients, that is , a kind of discrepancy regarding the content

of the regulations and the ambiguity of their implementation in

daily life. The application of the rules varies depending on the

circumstances and according to the judgment of each command:

Sometimes they encourage drinking, especially to finish the

tasks. Depending on the Command, they decide to arrest us.

Nowadays, they refer the military to CEDEQ to avoid problems

with the “law”.

The institution seems to be complacent with the use of beve-

rages in the workplace, interpreting as “normal” the frequency

and amount of alcohol that is consumed in naval celebrations

(Halpern, Ferreira, & Silva Filho, 2008). Within the elastic

category of “social drinkers”, the chiefs and supervisors tend to

tolerate many episodes of alcohol intoxication, leaving aside

the regulation, particularly because they also adhere to these

practices.

Thesis: “The Existence of a Naval Tradition to Drink

on Boar d”

The observation of all these elements allowed the emergence

of new arguments, namely, the thesis that revealed “the exis-

tence of a naval tradition to drink on board”. An inverted trian-

gle could be drawn as an effect of progression of database

analysis of the Templum. Therefore, through the evidence that

was presented above, the thesis asserts the existence of a naval

tradition of drinking alcohol at work that allows the constitution

of the alcoholic habitus.

Antithesis: “Despite the Tradition, Many Patients Do

Not Drink and Are Not Alcoholics”

The antithesis advocated that, in spite of the naval tradition

of consuming drinks in the workplace, many members of Bra-

zilian Navy do not drink alcohol or are alcoholics: Navy is di-

vided into two groups: those who drink and those who are reli-

gious. The guy who doesn’t drink is a fool or a spy. I stopped

drinking and the pressure continues. The colleagues are teasing

me, saying I’m a snitch.

Furthermore, it is not possible to predict whether a “social”

consumption pattern will become a harmful one, considering

that, a long the years, one can become a heavy user or a depen-

dent. The boundaries between the “normal” drinking and “pa-

thological” one are tenuous, not only considering the individual

differences, as well as environmental impacts. Therefore, it is

not likely to affirm that the naval tradition of drinking on sev-

eral occasions determined the constitution of alcoholism in

these patients.

Synthesis: “The Naval Institution Contributed to

Construct the Patients’ Alcoholism”

The synthesis of the Templum analysis confirmed the initial

hypothesis (“the naval institution contributed to construct the

patients’ alcoholism”). However, this proposition cannot be

extrapolated to the entire naval universe.

In this study, it was possible to verify its ambiguous position,

sometimes encouraging the consumption of beverages in the

working day, sometimes forbidding it, based on the regulations,

punishing the drinkers who disregarded the prescriptions of

each command: Booze are not permitted, but there are some

military units that allow them. Some Captains authorize, while

others, don’t.

First, it is recognized that there are individual differences as

to how to react to the conditions, processes, and organization of

the naval labor. There are also different forms to adhere to so-

ciabilities that require drinking beverages, preferably in groups.

While many drink severely, some will not become addicted.

However, the desire for a “glass” seems to be a common solu-

tion to diminish the stress and suffering on board.

The synthesis of the Templum analysis revealed that although

the subjects investigated have oscillated between positive/neg-

ative meta-categories, there was a greater attraction in the di-

rection of the negative meta-category. Therefore, the results of

the observations and the interviews suggested that many pa-

tients developed the alcoholic habitus, particularly due to the

availability of beverages and opportunities to drink, because of

the peculiarities of the naval tasks that engenders strain, and

because of the ambivalent position of the institution before the

issue of drinking on board: Every Friday is happy hour on

board. In every corner near the Battalion there is a bar! My

colleagues invite me to drink every day. The TV displays beer

all the time. It is difficult to stop drinking.

Finally, since the themes were analyzed by the alternative

argument as proposed by Boudon (1998), the evidence ab-

ducted of the narratives corroborated the hypothesis that the

Brazilian Navy facilitated the alcoholism of the subjects studied.

Thus, the alcoholic habitus was the result of a social and insti-

tutional construction. Although there is a naval tradition that

encourages the consumption of beverages (thesis), inside and

outside the organization, there is a possibility that many indi-

viduals reject this custom (antithesis). Still, there seems to be

an effect, at the same time coercive/permissive, about the prac-

tices of alcohol intake on naval workplace, which acts insi-

diously, making itself present at different moments, to celebrate

and to console.

Conclusion

The ambiguous position of the naval organization regarding

the use of alcohol in the workplace shakes the foundations

which are necessary for the crew, as they provide guidance and

protection. The transparent and consistent application of the

regulations to all members of the naval contingent, guided by

clear rules, helps to ensure the physical and mental integrity of

the worker itself. Otherwise, he becomes more vulnerable to

stress and suffering (Brant & Minayo-Gomez , 2005), increas-

ing his chances of using alcohol to achieve comfort.

Finally, the voices of the interviewees may help naval leaders

understand that the availability of alcohol and drinking oppor-

tunities in military units played a central role in the construction

of alcoholic habitus of these patients. It is believed that other

military personnel of the corporation may be equally vulnerable

to the harmful effects of consuming beverages on board, though

they are not being treated at CEDEQ (yet). Consequently, pro-

E. E. HALPERN, L. C. LEITE

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108

tective measures for workers could minimize human and mate-

rial damages in Brazili an Navy.

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